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The Beasts 

of the 


A commentary based on events in the warp and woof of 

two thousand years of history, bringing into focus the 

pattern of contemporary movements to establish a world 





"But seek ye first the kingdom of God, and his righteous- 
ness; and all these things shall be added unto you." 

St. Matthew 6:33 

"We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are 
created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with 
certain unalienable rights: that among these are life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness." 

The Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776. 

I believe in the United States of America as a government 
of the people, by the people, for the people: whose just 
powers are derived from the consent of the governed; a 
democracy in a republic; a sovereign nation of many 
sovereign states; a perfect union, one and inseparable; 
established upon those principles of freedom, equality, 
justice, and humanity for which American patriots sacrificed 
their lives and fortunes. I therefore believe it is my duty 
to my Country to love it; to support its Constitution; to 
obey its laws; to respect its Flag; and to defend it against 
all enemies. 

"Menaced by dictators abroad and by collectivist trends 
at home, we must seek revival of our strength in its 
spiritual foundations which are the bedrock of our republic. 
Democracy is the outgrowth of the religious conviction of 
the sacredness of every human life. On the religious side, 
its highest embodiment is the Bible; on the political, the 
Constitution. As has been said so well, 'The Constitution is 
the civil book of Americans'. Next to the Bible, the best book 
on the Constitution should be in every home, school, library 
and parish hall." 

Herbert C. Hoover, Alfred E. Smith, James M. Cox, 
John W. Davis, Alfred M. Landon, Mrs. William H. 
Taft, Mrs. Calvin Coolidge, Mrs. Benjamin Harrison, 
Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt, Mrs. Thomas J. Preston, Jr. 
(Mrs. Grover Cleveland.) 


"For by thy sorceries were all nations deceived." 


In 1775 North Carolina declared its independence from Great 
Britain. Of the colonies under the despotic heel of a tyrant three 
thousand miles away, North Carolina was the first to throw down 
the gauntlet of freedom. On May 31st a committee representing 
the militia companies of Mecklenburg County passed a series of 
resolutions declaring that the "royal commissions" in the several 
colonies were null and void, that the Constitution of each colony 
was suspended, and that the legislative and executive powers of 
each colony were vested in its provincial Congress subject to the 
direction of the Continental Congress. The Mecklenburg Declara- 
tion of Independence (May 20, 1775 by act of the North Carolina 
legislature) electrified free men throughout the colonies and sup- 
plied the spark that kindled a fundamental element in Americanism. 
One hundred and sixty-six years later the General Assembly 
of the sovereign State of North Carolina was to pass another 
resolution. On March 13, 1941, with the endorsement of Governor 
J. M. Broughton, the legislature of this proud old state adopted 
the so-called "Humber" resolution, calling for world government! 
This retreat to tyranny was written and sponsored by one Robert 
Lee Humber of Greenville. 

"There exists an international community," declared the law- 
makers of North Carolina. This international community en- 
compasses the entire world. "All human beings," they continued, 
"are citizens of this world community, which requires laws and 
not treaties for its government." And, so declared the Legislature, 
"The Treaty of Peace must be written in terms of the Constitution 
of the Federation of the World"! 

What had happened to North Carolina in one hundred and 
sixty-six years? What had become of that sublime sense of 
freedom and independence that had written and adopted the Meck- 
lenburg resolutions? Whence had fled the courage of the men of 
May 20, 1861 who voted to secede from the Union it had helped form 
rather than surrender the sovereignty and independence it had 
fought for and died for? Where now the uncompromising spirit 
of North Carolina's Vances who fought the Union on the one hand 
and Jeff Davis on the other to secure the right to sovereignty 
and independence? Where, where, indeed! 

Quietly, unobtrusively, and without the benefit of disturbing 
publicity, the California State Legislature in 1949 adopted a reso- 
lution more baffling and shocking than the Humber resolution of 


North Carolina. Unanimous in the Assembly, and with but eight 
dissenting votes in the Senate, the resolution passed. Its sponsors 
spoke of "peace", and every member of the Legislature was 
enthusiastically in favor of "peace". No one questioned; few 
read the proposal. Eight senators read, understood, and, true to 
their oaths of office, voted "no". The resolution memorialized 
Congress, under authority of Article V of the Constitution of the 
United States to call a Constitutional Convention for the purpose 
of amending the United States Constitution to expedite and insure 
United States participation in a World Federal Government! 

The "One World Resolution" immediately became known as the 
"California Plan", and the advocates of "World Government" were 
enabled to move from state to state influencing other legislatures 
to adopt the "plan". The prestige of California was impressive, 
and well meaning, but uninformed legislators were persuaded to 
sponsor the resolution in their own bodies. Connecticut, Florida, 
Maine, New Jersey, and, of course, North Carolina, followed the 
precedent set by California. 

Several California senators attempted to rescind the 1949 reso- 
lution in that same session of the legislature, but they were able 
to secure but one vote for passage in the senate committee that 
considered the proposal. Their efforts, however, served to publicize 
the issue, and patriotic organizations were aroused to indignant 
action. Foremost in the California struggle to rescind were the 
Veterans of Foreign Wars, the Daughters of the American Revo- 
lution, and many women's civic and patriotic organizations. The 
few embattled senators who failed to rescind the resolution in 
the 1949 session made a further attempt at a special session called 
later that year by the Governor. While this effort also failed, the 
rescinding resolution received two committee votes, which was 
at least encouraging. 

On March 6, 1950 Senate Joint Resolution No. 1 was introduced 
in the California Senate. The resolution was entitled: "Relative 
to withdrawing the application to Congress made by Assembly 
Joint Resolution No. 26 of the 1949 Regular Session, to propose 
a constitutional amendment for American participation in a World 
Federal Government," and reads as follows: 

"WHEREAS, Assembly Joint Resolution No. 26 was passed 
at the 1949 Regular Session of the Legislature of the State 
of California; and 

"WHEREAS, That Assembly Joint Resolution urged an 
amendment to the Constitution of the United States per- 
mitting this Country's participation in a World Federal 
Government; and 
"WHEREAS, It has come to the attention of certain mem- 


bers of the Legislature that not all the pertinent facts 
relating to that subject were available and presented when 
this resolution was passed; and 

"WHEREAS, Said resolution was not a mere memorial- 
ization of the Congress but an application by the Legis- 
lature of this State, pursuant to Article V of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States that the Congress of the United 
States call a convention for the sole purpose of proposing an 
amendment to the United States Constitution to expedite 
and insure the participation of the United States in a 
World Federal Government; and 

"WHEREAS, If similar application to the Congress is 
made by the legislatures of two-thirds of the states, the 
Congress shall have no choice but to call a convention for 
for such purpose; and 

"WHEREAS, Said resolution, if acted upon and fulfilled 
by the Government of the United States, would entail the 
surrender of our national sovereignty, nullify our Con- 
stitution, bring into being a form of law whereby American 
citizens would be tried by citizens of other countries and 
imprisoned in foreign jails; and 

"WHEREAS, In order to provide financial support for this 
world government it would be necessary to give such 
government the power of taxation or to require contribu- 
tions from member nations, and in either event the prin- 
cipal source of funds required for the support of such- 
government would of necessity be the United States, with 
a resulting heavy burden on the American Taxpayer and 
lowering the American standard of living; and 
"WHEREAS, The establishment of such World Federal 
Government would require the creation of a world army 
to maintain peace, and such army would be composed in 
a large part of soldiers from other nations, and would be 
subject to the control of a world legislature, with the result 
that the American people would be in danger of losing 
their liberties, their free institutions, and their freedom 
of action; and 

"WHEREAS, The creation of such a world army would 
result in the abolition of the independent military establish- 
ment of the United States and the surrender of the Panama 
Canal, with consequent imminent peril to our national 

proposal in said Assembly Joint Resolution No. 26 be 
withdrawn; and be it further 


"RESOLVED, That the Secretary of the Senate is hereby 
requested to transmit copies of this resolution to the 
Senate and House of Representatives of the Congress, to 
the Members of the Senate and House of Representatives 
from this State, and to the presiding officer of each of the 
legislatures of the several states." 
The struggle that ensued for the passage of the rescinding reso- 
lution was long and difficult. Members of an organization known 
as UNITED WORLD FEDERALISTS, INC. made their first appear- 
ance in the corridors of the State Capitol. One Alan Cranston, 
later to become President of UNITED WORLD FEDERALISTS, 
INC., was active throughout, attempting to hold the members of 
the legislature in line. At crucial moments, however, the Capitol 
was filled with patriots from every part of the State, and deter- 
mined, grim-faced women worked incessantly with members, who, 
either from a sense of stubbornness or fear of looking foolish, 
refused to retreat from their former position and admit that they 
had been deceived. After defeat on the floor of the Senate and 
a motion to reconsider, the rescinding resolution passed the Senate 
without a vote to spare. The fight continued in the Assembly 
and finally was won with only two votes over the required 

California had redeemed itself and the "world government" 
resolution's march to two-thirds of the states was suddenly halted. 
"The flag was still there." The long debate with its diversionary 
arguments passed into history, but the UNITED WORLD FED- 
ERALISTS, INC. believed that it had only lost a battle, and that 
the war was yet to be won, and that they would win it. 

Mr. Robert Lee Humber, who humbled North Carolina, is a 
Rhodes Scholar. He lived sixteen years in Europe, and returned 
to the United States when the Nazis conquered France. He was a 
Rhodes established the scholarships that bear his name for the 
purpose of bringing the United States back into the British Empire 
through the education of Americans in England. 

It may appear to be a far cry from North Carolina and the State 
Capitols of the United States to the little town of Benicia, Cali- 
fornia, but in its picturesque peacefulness it is typical of thousands 
of small communities scattered throughout the country. What 
happens in the Benicias of America ultimately determines the 
freedom of men and women everywhere. 

Benicia, except for its colorful history, differs but little from 
its sister cities throughout the United States. Once the capitol of 
California, it stands on the north bank of Carquinez Straits, in 
Solano County. Its past is closely woven with the history of the 
men and women of California, who, with faith in God, carried the 


Cross and Christian civilization into the West. The County in 
which Benicia nestles derived its name from the noted Franciscan 
missionary, Father Francisco Solano, whose name was given in 
baptism to an Indian Chief when the latter embraced Christianity. 
Benicia was named after General Vallejo's wife, Francisca Benicia. 
Two great military installations in Solano have contributed to the 
defense of the United States and the freedom of its people for over 
a hundred years — the shipyard at Mare Island and the Arsenal 
at Benicia. The bay, the inlets, the coves, the low-lying hills; 
the tranquility of lapping waters; the yellow gold of strong sun- 
light, the amethyst of sunset; yes, and even the fogs from the 
rivers and the bay that hide the twinkling myriad of stars — this 
is the peace and beauty of Benicia. More important than its love- 
liness, more deeply ingrained by the gift of God than the serenity 
of its moon-lit, diamond-encrusted nights, is the glory of the crimson 
and white and the star-studded field of blue that keeps it free. 

It was Niccolo Machiavelli who wrote that force alone rarely 
suffices for the attainment of political objectives, whereas cunning 
alone oftimes succeeds. It would appear that the advocates of 
world domination and totalitarianism are masters of Machiavellian 
philosophy, and are particularly adept in the art of cunning. The 
UNITED WORLD FEDERALISTS had stealthily attempted to pass 
its "world government" resolutions through the several legislatures 
and failed. These great "advocates" of "democracy" might have 
admitted that the people had spoken, dissolved their movement and 
abided by the will of the majority, but it is not in their nature to 
practice the alleged virtues of their own propaganda. Like the 
Fabian socialists of England, they have time. What you cannot 
push over with brute strength you may undermine so that it falls 
of its own weight. 

Where may political undermining be better rewarded than in 
the schools? 

In a small city, such as Benicia, the citizens are hospitable, 
warm-hearted, and friendly. The teachers of its public schools 
come from various educational institutions, and, in addition to 
being allegedly qualified to teach, are assumed to be loyal Ameri- 
cans, steeped in the traditions of our basic freedoms and inde- 
pendence. And for the greater part, American teachers fulfill 
most of these qualifications. But in the Benicias of the United 
States there has been appearing a new sort of teacher. This modern 
educator is a product of "progressive" education, and appears to 
suffer from a great inner sense of inferiority, and, in addition to 
indoctrination courses for the unsuspecting student, engages in 
assorted extra-curricular activities, such as organizing inter-racial 
groups and chapters of the UNITED WORLD FEDERALISTS. 
Some of these teachers manifest an almost rabid repugnance for 


such things as committees for Americanism, and anti-communistic 
groups. They are often heard to refer to such organizations as 
"fascist", "red-baiters", and even "anti-Semitic". Most of them 
appear to be more concerned with the "integration" of the races 
and aptitudes of collective living than they are with the old 
fashioned ideas of reading, writing and arithmetic. 

Benicia had such a teacher. She became very active in the com- 
munity life of the town. She became president of the EMPLOYED 
WOMEN, and a member of the INTERRACIAL organization, 
thereby proving that she was not any better than anyone else. 
She was a great advocate of equality, fraternity and democracy. 
There were those in Benicia, by the grace of God, who did not 
quite agree with all of the "progressive" views of the teacher's 
INTERRACIALS, and though these good citizens were greatly in 
the majority, they did not fall within the democratic philosohpy 
as interpreted by Benicia's new "progressive" teacher. 

In June of 1949 the teacher appeared before the Benicia Chamber 
of Commerce, requesting funds to finance a trip of a group of 
students from the Benicia High School to Washington, D. C. in 
order that they might take part in the WORLD FEDERALIST 
PEACE MOVEMENT. The members of the Benicia Chamber of 
Commerce, like most law-abiding citizens, are enthusiastic about 
peace, and they were willing to stake thirty dollars on the efforts 
of the High School group to secure a little of it. That is, they were 
— until some one started asking questions. When some of the 
answers started coming in, the members (proving they were better 
qualified to legislate than those who acted for them in Sacramento) 
adopted a resolution, which reads as follows: 

"RESOLVED: That the Board of Directors of the Benicia 
Chamber of Commerce declares itself unalterably opposed 
to the organization known as 'World Federalists' and hereby 
requests the Board of Trustees of the Benicia Unified School 
District to take whatever action is necessary to eliminate 
the teaching or participation in, by either the faculty or 
students, in any organizations which have doubtful loyalty 
to our American precepts." 

In spite of the protest of the members of the Benicia Chamber 
of Commerce (merely a group of tax-payers) a chapter of the 
UNITED WORLD FEDERALISTS was launched officially at the 
Benicia High School, permission having been obtained to make the 
chapter a regular school organization. Thirty students enrolled. 
Lectures, films, and "one-world" propaganda followed. Panel dis- 
cussions on world government, conferences on UNESCO at Stan- 
ford University, and appearances before the local Kiwanis Club, 
quickly "internationalized" Benicia interests. A scheduled panel 
discussion before the Benicia's Women's Club was cancelled after 
the passage of a resolution by the District FEDERATION OF WO- 


MEN'S CLUBS in San Francisco opposing the UNITED WORLD 
FEDERALIST movement. 

The PARENT-TEACHER ASSOCIATION held out a welcome 
sign for the world-government-teacher, but denied patriotic citizens 
the right to appear and speak against her contention that the 
United States should surrender its independence. The pseudo-intel- 
lectuals who mentally bow and scrape before the bizarre and the 
absurd, welcomed the "new" and "progressive" views of the teacher 
of their children, and conjured up visions of a well organized 
universe with everything in its place, law and order everywhere 
and the dawn of eternal peace. They could have found such a 
paradise a few miles away on San Francisco Bay — either at San 
Quentin or Alcatraz — but it is doubtful that any of them would 
have exchanged their disordered, unruly and war-torn existence 
for the peace and quiet of either of those places. 

Some of Benicia's citizens could not sit idly by and watch the 
Pied Piper from the Ivory Towers of John Dewey lead the children 
of Benicia into the dark caverns from which there is no return. 
Where to go? What to do? Who to see? How stem the incom- 
prehensible flood that seemed sweeping over Benicia? And what 
was more important in the beginning was the nagging suggestion 
that one might be out of step with the march of progress; that there 
might be new standards and values at large in the world that one 
did not quite understand or fully appreciate. After all, what really 
is wrong with world government? Did not the founding fathers of 
our great country conceive a union of sovereign states eternally 
bound together by a Federal government? If thirteen separate 
states might accomplish such a miracle, why not the nations of 
the world? What are the answers to these questions? Where, in 
common sense, is the measuring rod of judgment; where, by the 
delicate scales of history, was the balance of world experience? 
Where is the road marked by the approval of God; in what direc- 
tion, by what sign, and to what end? 

"The Revelation of Jesus Christ, which God gave unto Him 
to shew unto His servants things which must shortly come 
to pass; and He sent and signified it by His angel unto 
His servant John: Who bare record of God, and of the 
testimony of Jesus Christ, and of all things that he saw. 
Blessed is he that readeth, and they that hear the words 
of this prophecy, and keep those things which are written 
therein; for the time is at hand. (Revelations 1: 1-3. ) 

It is told of the early people that they sought to build a great 
city and a tower that would reach to heaven, lest they be scattered 
abroad upon the face of the whole earth. And they spoke but one 
language and desired but one world. "And the Lord came down 
to see the city and the tower, which the children of men builded. 
And the Lord said, Behold, the people is one, and they have all one 


language; and this they begin to do: and now nothing will be re- 
strained from them, which they have imagined to do. Go to, let 
us go own, and there confound their language, that they may not 
understand one another's speech. So the Lord scattered them 
abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth; and they left 
off to build the city. Therefore is the name of it called Babel." 

"They shall deceive the very elect... and shall shew signs and 
wonders, to seduce, if it were possible, even the elect." 

The time-honored values remain constant; the measuring-roa 
of judgment eternal. The lessons of history are ever present for 
those who seek, who learn and understand. The road is straight 
ahead, narrow and steep and difficult of passage, well marked by 
the hand of God, and it alone leads to peace. 

Treason is an ugly word and its definition in the Constitution 
of the United States it clear and unmistakable. Disloyalty is not 
defined in the Constitution; its attributes are interwoven in the 
melancholy histories of the world's Benedict Arnolds. To give aid 
and comfort to the enemies of one's country in time of war is an 
act that not only arouses loathing in the heart of the betrayed, but 
also stirs emotions of contempt in the heart of the enemy. It is 
an act that is discernible; the results of which may be disaster. 
What then of the more subtle acts of betrayal? The surrender of 
hard earned independence and sovereignty — without a struggle? 
Surrender to whom? To what? And for what reason? To avoid 
war and the inevitable blast of an atom bomb! This is the stock 

If the British had possessed the atom bomb when the colonists 
determined to throw off the oppressive yoke of George III, Patrick 
Henry's voice might have been lost in the clamor for continued 
union. The instruments of death launched against Washington's 
ragged armies were just as deadly in their day as the atom bomb 
is today. A well placed slug from a flint-lock killed as surely and 
as completely as an atomic blast will kill today. True, an atom 
bomb properly placed will kill more men with one blast than a 
flint-lock, but it is equally true that the cannon of the Red Coats 
also might simultaneously kill more men than the flint-lock. 

The words of Patrick Henry seem directed at today's generation. 
"It is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope," he de- 
clared March 28, 1755. "We are apt to shut our eyes against a 
painful truth, and listen to the song of that syren, till she trans- 
forms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a 
great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of 
the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, 
hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salva- 
tion?... I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and 
that is the lamp of experience... What is it that gentlemen wish? 


What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to 
be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty 
God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, 
give me liberty, or give me death!" 

Here is a constant value; one that has not changed, and will not 
change, as long as men and women stand straight, in the midst 
of their kind, with the dignity of God-given freedom in their hearts. 
To such men and women the crash of ordnance or the blast of an 
atom bomb is preferable to the peace of slavery. As long as such 
men and women exist there will be freedom. 

The United States of America became possible because its thir- 
teen colonies were populated with a homogeneous people. They 
were Caucasians, Christians, spoke a common language, and they 
possessed a common tradition and shared the same culture. It is 
obvious that the converse is true of the nations of the world today. 
All the sinister efforts of the advocates of world government to 
create a brown world-race of robots without religion or sense of 
difference must still conquer the God-ingrained sense of freedom 
that pulsates vigorously in the hearts of men. These internation- 
alists may be successful in rewriting the world's history and des- 
troying the evidence of the truth, but the inborn inquisitive passion 
for facts cannot forever be eliminated from te minds of men. 
Each must seek its kind as God has ordained and, though degrada- 
tion, depravity and licentiousness may achieve mongrelization, the 
products thereof must perish. The hybrid may be created but it 
soon becomes a dead twig on the tree of life. This is a lesson of 
history; the story of every great civilization that has appeared on 
the theatre of the world. This is a measuring-rod to take the 
stature of judgment and plumb the depths of common-sense. 

What of the material considerations? What of the American 
people — our families, our friends, our neighbors? Increased taxes. 
Lowered standard of living. The loss of our Constitution and the 
junking of our Bill of Rights. The loss of our army and navy. 
The negation of individuality and the triumph of collectivism. The 
negation of God and the era of materialism. The ultimate rebellion, 
and the long struggle back to freedom. This is the treacherous 
road to and from world government. It is not the road that free 
men and women will consciously select. 

So the questions are answered and the course is clear. 
What to do? 

The Benicia School Board? They did not know. The Governor 
was too busy planning his campaign for the Supreme Court. Any- 
way, the matter was not in his jurisdiction. The State Superin- 
tendent of Schools wanted all questions reduced to writing. Ulti- 
mately he ruled that such matters were in the hands of the local 
school board. A vicious circle; a dizzy merry-go-round. It took a 


lot of running just to stay in the same place. The alarmed citizens 
of Benicia had gone through the looking-glass and had joined Alice 
in her incredible wonderland. 

At a meeting of the Benicia School Board in 1950 representatives 
of the Chamber of Commerce, veteran's organizations, and other 
civic and patriotic groups were denied permission by the Board 
members to discuss the loyalty views and the activities of the 
teachers to be employed for the coming school term. As a result 
a mass meeting of the citizens was called. The Commander of the 
local Post of the American Legion presided. He declared that four 
million veterans would fight to preserve the government of the 
United States. He read a resolution adopted by the veterans oppos- 
ing any movement that called tor the surrender of the sovereignty 
of the United States in favor of world government. A represen- 
tative of the Veterans of Foreign Wars — an organization that had 
done valiant service in Sacramento in helping rescind the resolu- 
tion for world government — expressed the determination of its 
members to preserve American independence. A representative 
of the Young Men's Institute echoed the patriotic stand of the vet- 
erans. Representatives of organization after organization followed 
with similar statements. 

Benicia was a long way from world government. 
The question of subversiveness arose in connection with the 
efforts of the United World Federalists. Was the movement 
prompted by the Communists? Was it subversive? 

It is well known that communism is essentially an international 
movement. The essence of its totalitarian doctrine is oneness — 
a collectivism that tolerates no diversity of political viewpoint. 
Its objective is a one-world order, politically, socially and econom- 
ically. It has but one god — Karl Marx — and its prophets and saints 
find mummified repose in the walls of the Kremlin or in the show- 
cases on Moscow's Red Square. Its ideological schisms have re- 
volved about the dogma of its international character. Bronstein 
(Trotsky) became an exile from the "worker's paradise" because 
he insisted on immediate world conquest over Stalin's determina- 
tion to build "communism in one country." The distinction is not 
important, as the differences are minute. Stalin desired a base 
of operation — an arsenal for the soldiers of international com- 
munism. The Communist Third International (the Comintern) 
still existed — and still exists under one guise or another. 

Subversion is defined as an act of subverting, or state of being 
subverted; overthrow from the foundation; utter ruin; destruction; 
as subversion of a government or of despotic power; subversion of 
the constitution. Subversive is defined as tending to subvert; 
having a tendency to overthrow, upset or destroy. 

The citizens of Benicia learned that the United World Federalists, 
Inc. had not been listed by any official agency of the state or Fed- 


eral governments as communistic or subversive. It was learned, 
however, that many of the members of the organization had been 
credited by official governmental groups with records of commu- 
nistic sympathies, communist-front organizations, and kindred 
activities. This fact, standing alone, proves very little, as it is well 
established that many patriotic citizens have been induced to join 
simon-pure communist organizations by being sold a bill of goods 
on some particular point of interest, such as "peace" and "warm 
milk" for the school children of central Africa. The communist 
propagandists are past-masters in the art of window dressing and 
there is always an abundant supply of American "do-gooders" with 
pronounced blind-spots for the proper approach. 

Is the United World Federalist, Inc. subversive? In order to be 
"subversive" must there be a declaration of that status by an 
official agency of government? The answer to the first question 
must be an emphatic "yes", and the answer to the second an 
equally emphatic "no". Does the United World Federalists, Inc. 
advocate the overthrow of the sovereignty of the United States? 
It does, but its activities are perfectly legal and within the pro- 
visions of the Constitution of the United States itself. It advo- 
cates an amendment to the Constitution by constitutional methods, 
which, if adopted, would, of course, destroy the Constitution and 
all that it stands for. In a sense the movement is in the category 
of national suicide by legitimate means, and there is not much 
that anyone can do about it. It becomes, quite obviously, a vehicle 
of great importance to the enemies of the United States. Under 
its shield the communists and other internationalists may work 
safely without incurring any particular danger to themselves. The 
movement could accomplish what the might of foreign armies and 
navies with all their terror of atomic weapons might never achieve. 
Yet, the organization is subversive in that it tends to subvert, and 
has a tendency to overthrow both the Constitution and the sov- 
ereign government of the United States. 

The confusion that exists in the minds of the most intelligent 
is not accidental. It was planned that way. There are but few 
Americans who realize that a communist is only a socialist in a 
hurry and with a club. The socialist and the communist take their 
text from the same socialist bible, and Marx is their final authority. 
For some unaccountable reason few Americans appear capable of 
reading the hoax that is concealed in the initials of the official 
name of Communist Russia — Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. 
Because the land of communism is generally referred to as "Soviet 
Russia," or the "U. S. S. R.", the term "socialism" is seldom, if 
ever, associated with the single political party that controls it. 
Hence one may be an American "socialist" without incurring too 
much public scorn, whereas to be known as a communist in recent 
years is something else again. The American Socialist, however, 


rarely publicizes the fact of his political orientation. He poses as 
a "liberal", an "economic planner," or some such equivalent. Many 
embryo socialists actually do not acknowledge themselves as such, 
and, while advocating the policies of socialism, heartily criticize 
socialism and strongly oppose communism. In the chaos that 
results the communist successfully disguises his character, denies 
his party affiliatoin, and hides his activity under the legal umbrella 
of some group traveling in his direction. 

No less an authority than Lenin has carefully explained "so- 
cialism" and "communism". "The scientific differences between 
socialism and communism is clear," he writes in State and Revo- 
lution. "What is generally called socialism was termed by Marx 
the 'first' or lower phase of communist society... The great sig- 
nificance of Marx's explanation lies in that here, too, he consis- 
tently applies materialist dialectics, the theory of development, 
and regards communism as something which develops out of cap- 
italism. Instead of scholastically invented, 'concocted' definitions 
and fruitless disputes about words (what is socialism? what is 
communism?), Marx gives an analysis of what may be called 
stages in the economic ripeness of communism." 

Understanding is frequently confounded by the simplicity of a 
question which excludes essential elements. Inquisitiveness is 
often satisfied by a ready answer that actually is no answer at 
all. Thus one generation may be satisfied with the proposition 
that the world is supported by the shoulders of Atlas; another 
with the explanation that Atlas stands on the back of a turtle, and 
total satisfaction thereafter. The turtle becomes the end of the 
matter. It will not do, therefore, to merely say that the phenom- 
enon of a movement for world government is simply a manifesta- 
tion of the internationalist aspect of communism; nor may we be 
satisfied with the explanation that communism is merely the 
product of the industrial revolution. All reasoning clamors for 
solid ground somewhere, and common sense establishes the exis- 
tence of the fact, if it cannot immediately locate and describe it. 
A search for the common denominator becomes imperative if the 
puzzle is to be solved. 

It may reasonably be said that three social institutions have 
persisted since the beginning of recorded history — the Family, the 
Church, and the State. The instinct of family cohesion is un- 
doubtedly the deepest God-ingrained instinct in the fiber of 
mankind. The religions of the ages, for the greater part, have 
found their strength in the hearts of their adherents in direct pro- 
portion to the degree that their doctrines have supplemented the 
cement of family relationships. Judaism not only supplemented 
the cement of the family relationships of Abraham and his seed — 
it congealed them. Christianity alone of all religions not only 
sanctified the family, but extended its solicitude into a spiritual 


brotherhood such as the world had never known. The brothel and 
the harem are incapable of producing family relationships in the 
common acceptance of the meaning of the term, because the basic 
element of the family unit is missing. Brotherhood in the spiritual 
sense is equally impossible unless there exists a spiritual unit. 
The attributes of brotherhood are possible only where there is 
a spiritual fatherhood; a common tradition, culture, and com- 
munity of ethical and spiritual principles. The State, in its normal 
development, is an extended family-church unit, characterized by 
a homogeneous people with a common tradition, culture and re- 
ligion. Its normal growth and development follows the laws of 
nature — which is to say the plan of God — and this growth and 
development is as certain and as sure as that of plant and animal 
life. Each kind seeks its own kind with the same tenacity of 
purpose that water seeks its common level. 

The State normally reflects the tradition, culture and religious 
doctrines of its people, and, in spite of politics, the ambitions of 
native rulers and conquering despots, it persists in doing so. Alien 
elements become analogous to tainted food and, where completely 
indigestible, they are regurgitated, often with great unpleasantness 
and violence. Compatible elements are quickly absorbed. 

It is true that few states have enjoyed normal development. 
Invaders, conquerors, and ambitious natives have continuously 
disturbed the rhythm of growth. Hordes of barbarians and foreign 
armies have rolled over nation after nation, leaving havoc and 
ruin in their wake. History records but comparatively few in- 
stances, however, where the invader has completely obliterated 
the native tradition, culture and religion, and then, only where 
the conquered were emerging from barbarism and ignorance. 
Usually the conqueror is absorbed by the conquered. This is 
particularly true where there exists a basic field of agreement 
in the realm of culture and religion. Where no such common 
ground existed the conquered rebelled and eventually overthrew the 
conqueror. The foreign ruler must either assimilate with the 
tradition, culture and basic religious principles of his people, or 
utterly destroy them. And, paradoxically, if he destroys them, the 
growth and development of the State he establishes follows the 
normal pattern. 

There have been many wars between states having a common 
tradition, culture and religion. The causes of such wars are often 
lost in the mists of time and bitterness, and, even when clearly 
remembered, offer but little justification for the blood spilled. One 
certainty remains, however, after weighing all the alleged reasons 
for such wars, and that is, that those assigned were rarely the 
actual causes. In the cases of wars between states of hetero- 
geneous peoples, cultures and religions, the natural antagonisms 
are clear and obvious, and such wars, in addition to the motives 


of plunder, have been distinguished by a proselyting fervor that 
included the sword as an instrument of conversion. Most of the 
conflicts in these two categories sought either the settlement of 
a political dispute, loot and plunder, or the imposition of a foreign 
culture and religion on another people. It would be impossible, 
of course, to assign a single, clear-cut motive in any given instance, 
and it is, therefore, more than probable that a combination of 
motives always existed. 

With the exceptions of Alexander the Great, the Roman Empire, 
and international communism as exemplified in the Soviet Union, 
few individuals and movements have actually sought the conquest 
of the entire world. It is true that conquerors such as Napoleon 
sought domination on a large scale, but complete control of the 
population and territories of the earth, while a propaganda dream 
of intriguing interest, can hardly be said to have been an actual 
objective. Colonial systems, such as perfected by Great Britain, 
have encompassed many people and territories, but in no single 
instance have these systems tended to develop into a single gov- 
ernmentally controlled homogeneous people. As a matter of fact 
the converse is true. Colonial people invariably develop a deep 
sense of nationalism which erupts in a patriotic explosion that 
ultimately expells the non-assimilable elements of the ruling power. 
India is a recent case in point. Colonial America is an illustration 
of a people who developed a sense of nationality and independence 
in spite of the fact that there existed between themselves and the 
people of Great Britain bonds of tradition, culture and religious 

The movement for world government is, therefore, contrary to 
human nature, and is not supported by the natural instincts of 
ordinary men and women. Its origin must be found in the basic 
instinct of some unusual breed of mankind; in the deep ingrained 
mental motivation of a peculiar people who, first, believe that 
they are destined to control the world and that it is to their par- 
ticular advantage to do so; second, that they are a special people, 
apart from and superior to all mankind; and finally, that all 
mankind must be reduced to a homogeneous mass without special 
distinction or individuality; a robot, passive multitude that will 
serve the master-race without thought or question. Such a people 
would necessarily be characterized by a passionate instinct of 
exclusiveness in their relationships with each other, and an aggres- 
sive internationalism in their relationships with all others. They 
must present one face for their own people and an entirely different 
face for all others. Most of all they must have and continue to 
nourish a deep contempt and hatred for all people other than 
their own. They must have, as a cornerstone to their religion, 
an abiding sense of destiny in their mission. They must exercise 
a dual morality in which the right or wrong of things is determined 


only by the purpose to be served. Where their mission becomes 
unattainable by the sword and the engines of war, it must become 
not only proper and right, but mandatory, that they continue on 
their course with stealth and cunning. Ideas and ideologies become 
weapons of war to be used and discarded, and their strongest allies 
must be recruited from among their intended victims. Such a 
breed must be capable of the most complex treachery. They must 
possess the ability to appear to be all things to all men, and yet 
be only themselves. An indestructible nation, they must destroy 
all other nations. And moreover they must posses a patience 
that sets the immortality of nation and race above any concept 
of individual immortality and personal salvation. 

World government is not merely a movement to be understood 
and stopped. It is but a single manifestation of a deep laid and 
cleverly designed onslaught against the foundations of freedom 
and Christian civilization. Its achievement conceivably might 
effectually blot out the sunlight of liberty and smother the culture 
of Christianity for ages to come. Its strength is in the seductive- 
ness of its arguments and the ignorance of its converts. They 
have seen to it that their opponents are effectively gagged and that 
their voices may not be heard for lack of the media of communi- 
cation. It is difficult to attack the fallacious arguments of the 
demagogue who couches the results of this ideological fixation in 
terms of diversionary appeal to popular fancy. The truth is often 
too deeply buried in the complexity of the half-concealed and the 
secret. The art of propaganda successfully colors the thinking 
processes of the people and strange mental taboos effectually block 
the openings to hidden facts. Before the sinister forces that direct 
the conspiracy against freedom and Christianity can be routed 
they must be known. 

The Benicia story is being repeated everywhere throughout Chris- 
tendom. The struggle is for the minds of men. The vehicles of 
propaganda are under the direction of those who would control the 
parliament of the world. The terrible power of the purse and 
sanguine revolution are tethered on the same leash ready for 
simultaneous release. The subservient politician does the bidding 
of the masters who may make or break him at will. The failure, 
the frustrated, the dissident, and the lost are willing tools ready 
at hand for the purposes of the makers of mental fetters. Totali- 
tarianism marches forward on a thousand fronts, wearing a dif- 
ferent face for every point on the compass. And nowhere does its 
insidious seduction make such progress as within the halls of 

Nearly all the avenues of escape from the closing net of slavery 
have been closed and they are carefully guarded. Mere approach 
by the least courageous sounds a thousand alarms. He who dares 
is cut down in his tracks by those he would succor. He who would 


tell the truth is ridiculed and scorned by those who most need 
to know the truth. Those who know or guess the truth are made 
to appear "mentally ill." No martyrs! Martyrs become heroes, 
and heroes beget leaders and followers! Had Joan of Arc been 
declared "mentally ill" and confined to an institution for the 
insane, France would have suffered her chains for the sake of her 
sanity. Those who are repelled at the thought of a collectivist 
society and a one-world government are disposed of as members 
of the "anti-social crack-pot fringe" — and the less courageous will 
accept both ideas rather than join the society of "screw-balls". In 
short, it is dangerous to fight for freedom; for independence — for 
the Constitution of the United States! 

Man has been endowed by his Creator with the faculty of reason, 
and has been given the power to exercise his will as his reason and 
conscience dictate. He is blessed at birth with an instinctive sense 
of self-preservation which extends to the preservation of his family, 
his church and his country. Only the most powerful and sinister 
influences are capable of blunting these God-given virtues, and it 
is doubtful if all the powers of evil may do so for any length of 
time. The new born child soon learns that fire burns, and it 
would take considerable persuading to convince him to the con- 
trary so long as he carries the scars of his primary lesson. Man- 
kind, unfortunately, does not carry the scars of the lessons of 
history and it is the lot of each generation to suffer old hurts and 
bruises anew. History teaches different peoples different things 
about the same condition. Those who seek power through domin- 
ation of nations, learn of the mistakes of those who tried and 
failed, and such errors are carefully noted and their repetition 
avoided. Those who would not be dominated may find and learn 
the methods of those who resisted and succeeded, and apply them 
in their own efforts to be free. As history continues to stretch 
into an ever expanding panorama, the mistakes of the power-mad 
are reduced to a single term — method. The power-mad men of 
history failed because the people they would enslave could see 
their swords, their troops, their cavalry, and their ordnance. They 
understood, and knew how to fight back. Conquered people, after 
all, do not make good slaves, because they remember freedom. 
Such slaves have always rebelled when the opportunity came — 
and it always came. What then is the lesson for those who would 
dominate? Is there a new, a different method by which men may 
be conquered? 

If mankind can be convinced that evil is good and that slavery 
is freedom, no one will henceforth desire to be good or free. If, 
by mass hypnotism, it is enlightened and a sign of intelligence 
to be a mere cog in a collectivist machine rather than an individual 
endowed with human dignity, then everyone will be a cog in a 
collectivist machine. If the highest religious concept is the nega- 


tion of God, and the worship of materialism the greatest religion, 
then everyone will become a pious atheist. If the meaning of the 
old terms remain while the condition or status they describe are 
gradually reversed, mankind may be coerced into fighting for 
his chains. 

It takes a lot of doing to reverse the established thinking of the 
masses of people, but it has been going on at a rapid pace, and it 
could be accomplished. Within a comparatively short few years, 
the people of the United States, after refusing to become part of 
the League of Nations, now find themselves an important factor 
in the United Nations. Since 1917, after refusing to become en- 
tangled in the intrigues and wars of Europe, the United States has 
forged to the front as the "world leader". Its former policy of 
minding its own business is now slurringly referred to as "isola- 
tionism". Unprecedented heavy taxing of its people for the support 
of foreign nations has become an accepted function of American 
government in spite of the fact that our forefathers went to war 
with Great Britain over a tax on imported tea. A list of all the 
apparent reversals of the thinking of the American people would 
require a book of many pages. 

Children, of course, being impressionable, are the obvious victims 
of the propagandists. Children, moreover, constitute the voters 
of tomorrow. As their thinking is directed so will be their political 
bent. The children with whom they play at school today are the 
men and women they will marry tomorrow. If they are compelled 
to go to school with children of all races and creeds, they will 
marry men and women of all races and creeds. Within good time 
there will cease to be various races and creeds — just one mongrel- 
ized race without a creed. The leveling of intelligence to the common 
average and the glorification of the "collective" over individuality 
must result in the triumph of mediocrity. The abolition of com- 
petition not only means that there are no winners, it also means 
that there is no effort. Where there is no effort there is no achieve- 
ment. And where there is no creed there is no God. Without God 
there is no morality, and without morality there can be no family. 
Only the state remains and the best kind of a state for faceless, 
raceless and Godless humanity is World Government. 

What of those who have schemed these things? How will they 
escape the fate they have planned for the rest of mankind? Are 
they not building a monster that must ultimately destroy them 
also? They are not afraid. They are the master race. They believe 
they have planned well. They have carefully avoided the pit-falls 
they have dug for others. They have an inbred faculty that makes 
it impossible for them to practice what they preach to others. 
While they spend millions of dollars advocating racial integration, 
they meticulously avoid intermarriage with any others than their 
own kind. They preach international doctrines, but practice the 


most narrow type of nationalism. They publicize the vices of 
racial superiority and yet proclaim that they are the master race 
and the Chosen of God. They decry persecution, intolerance and 
war, and, when they have the power, are the most implacable of 
persecutors, the most intolerant, and the most warlike. They are 
the destroyers of religion and holy things, yet they pose as the 
most persecuted of men. They launch revolutions, but seldom die 
on the barricades. They finance wars that they do not fight 
and always emerge as the only victors. They seldom are popular 
with the people but they usually run their governments. They 
preach communistic and collectivist theories but remain the bankers 
of the world. For two thousand years they have have been a 
single nation within nations, without a flag or a country of their 
own. Though disappointments, reverses, and the open antagonism 
of the peoples among whom they have lived have humbled and 
humiliated them, they have remained steadfast to the fixed star of 
their supposed mission. As a peculiar and exclusive race, the 
chosen of God, they are fully convinced of their exalted destiny. 
They believe that they and their seed are to be the ultimate rulers 
of the world. Moreover, they have faith that the time is now. 

This work of research and study began with the Benicia story. 
It has led into some of the buried and almost inaccessible recesses 
of history. The result is an amazing and shocking story, but its 
truth cannot be controverted. Its telling has become a Christian 
and American duty. It is not written with any intentional sense 
of ill-feeling or animosity against any person, race or creed. It 
is factual and it is documented. That it will be repressed by every 
possible means is a foregone conclusion. Every effort will be 
made to destroy it, to keep it from being distributed and read; 
to ignore it. Should these efforts fail or partially fail, every means 
of communication will be utilized to discredit the author. All of 
the established tactics of smear and ridicule will be brought into 
use, and it is quite possible that these efforts will be successful. 
One thing will not be done. No one will attempt to refute its 
facts or meet its challenge in open, public debate. 

Peace and tranquility are to be found only in the hearts of men. 
Artificial boundaries, expanded to include the world or narrowed 
to confine a few acres, have never brought, nor can they possibly 
bring, peace and brotherhood. Without the Fatherhood of God 
through His blessed Son Jesus and the Holy Ghost there can be 
no brotherhood of man. When the beasts of the Apocalypse have 
been destroyed, then, and only then, will God's eternal peace 
settle over the land. 

"If any man have an ear, let him hear. He that leadeth 
into captivity shall go into captivity: he that killeth with 
the sword must be killed with the sword. Here is the pa- 
tience and the faith of the saints." 



"We Jews, we, the destroyers, will remain the destroyers 
for ever. NOTHING that you will do will meet our needs 
and demands. We will for ever destroy because we need 
a world of our own, a God-world, which is not in your 
nature to build." 

— "You Gentiles, " by Maurice Samuel 

WHEN Abram was ninety-nine years old Jehovah appeared 
before him and, after changing his name to Abraham, estab- 
lished a covenant which was to be everlasting between Jehovah 
and Abraham's seed: "And I will give unto thee, and to thy seed 
after thee, the land wherein thou art a stranger, all of the land 
of Canaan, for an everlasting possession; and I will be their God." 
Thus it was that the Jews came to believe that they were the 
Chosen People of God and that all other peoples were outcasts. 
"The forces of the Gentiles shall come to thee... and the sons 
of strangers shall build up thy walls, and their Kings shall min- 
ister unto thee... Thou shalt suck the milk of the Gentiles... 
ye shall eat the riches of the Gentiles, and in their glory shall 
ye boast yourselves... and the Gentiles shall come to thy light, 
and Kings to the brightness of thy rising... Therefore thy gates 
shall be open continuously... that men may bring unto thee the 
forces of the Gentiles, and that their Kings may be brought. For 
the nation and kingdom that will not serve thee shall perish; yea, 
those nations shall be utterly wasted... and strangers shall stand 
and feed your flocks, and the sons of the alien shall be your 
ploumen and your vine dessers...." 

The rabbis nourished the theme and created a peculiar people. 
Despised throughout the world, residents in many countries though 
citizens of none, cosmopolitan yet self-segregated, international in 
Gentile affairs and narrowly nationalistic as Jews — orthodox, re- 
formed, agnostic or atheistic — their collective orientation is toward 
a world government that they are fully convinced they will rule. 
As the "chosen people" they believe their destiny must ultimately 
be fulfilled — that all Gentile nations must finally serve the sons of 
Abraham. Has the Torah not outlawed the issue of a Gentile as 
that of a beast? Does the Talmud not condemn the Gentiles as 
"a band of strange children whose mouths speaketh vanity and 
whose right hand is a right hand of falsehood"? Did not the 
great Talmudian, Simon ben Yohai, declare that "the best among 
the Gentiles deserves to be killed"? Certainly, then, the Chosen 
People of Jehovah must one day rule this world and its stupid 
Gentile cattle. "Blessed be thou... who hast not made me a goi" 
is the recommended "benediction" of Rabbi Judah ben Illai. 

The faith of the Jews that they, as the Chosen People, will ulti- 
mately rule the world, while based on their misconception of the 
covenant between Jehovah and Abraham, is a manifestation of a 
race-superiority concept that towers a hundred times over any idea 
ever advanced by Hitler. It is an amazing concept that divides the 
world into two classes: the Chosen People and "cattle". 

'For thou art an holy people unto the Lord: the Lord thy God 
hath chosen thee to be a special people unto himself, above all 
People that are upon the face of the earth... and thou shall 



consume all the people which the Lord thy God shall deliver 
thee; thine eyes shall have no pity upon them: neither shalt thou 
serve their gods; for that will be a snare unto thee." 

"The Jews are a distinct nationality," declared Justice Louis D. 
Brandeis of the Supreme Court of the United States. Said Theodor 
Herzl: "I will give you my definition of a nation; and you can 
add the adjective 'Jewish'. A nation is, in my mind, an historical 
group of men of recognizable cohesion held together by a common 
enemy. Then, if you add to that the word 'Jewish' you have what I 
understand to be the Jewish Nation." 

Herzl, the founder of modern Zionism, envisioned a colorful 
Jewish nation. "Our High Priest will wear imposing ceremonial 
dress," he wrote. "Our cuirassiers will have yellow trousers, white 
tunics. Officers, silver cuirasses... I need the duel, in order to 
have proper officers... I incline to an aristocratic republic." 

"And seeing the multitudes, He went up into a mountain: And 
when He was set, His disciples came unto Him: And He opened 
His mouth, and taught them, saying, Blessed are the poor in spirit, 
for their's is the Kingdom of heaven... Blessed are the merciful: 
for they shall obtain mercy... Blessed are they which are per- 
secuted for righteousness' sake: for their's is the Kingdom of 
heaven... Ye have heard that it has been said, Thou shalt love 
thy neighbor, and hate thine enemy. But I say unto you, Love 
your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that 
hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and per- 
secute you... Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men 
should do to you, do ye even so to them... " 

The law of Moses and the jurisprudence of Rome... 

"What shall we do with Jesus that is called the Christ?" 

While Jesus sojourned in Galilee the Great Sanhedrin had no 
legal jurisdiction over Him. When He entered Jerusalem He came 
under its control. The Romans, wise in rule of conquered prov- 
inces, governed Judaea by a system of modified home rule. The 
members of the Great Sanhedrin exercised their judicial functions 
over the Jews, but were denied the right of inflicting the death 
penalty. The Roman procurator, however, usually ratified the 
death sentence imposed by the Sanhedrin. 

The Great Sanhedrin of Jerusalem under Roman occupation was 
the supreme council and tribunal of the Jews. It developed out of 
the municipal council of Jerusalem and consisted of seventy-one 
members. It had jurisdiction over Jewish religious matters and 
the more important civil and criminal cases. It met daily except 
on Sabbaths and festivals. According to the rabbinical tradition, 
the Great Sanhedrin was presided over by a president, the Nasi 


(prince), a vice-president, the Abbetdin or Abbethdin (father of 
the court of justice). 

"After two days was the feast of the passover, and of unleavened 
bread: and the chief priests and the scribes sought how they might 
take Him by craft, and put Him to death. But they said, Not on 
the feast day, lest there be an uproar of the people" 

The high priests of the Great Sanhedrin were quite confident 
that they were acting within their jurisdiction when they issued 
a warrant for the arrest of Jesus, charging Him, most probably, 
with inciting the riot in the Temple. Under the guise of this legality 
they were able to obtain from Pilate a cohort of soldiers under 
command of a tribune to aid the Temple police and to protect 
themselves in the enterprise. It was the first union of Jew and 
Roman for the destruction of Christianity and it must last until 
Constantine defeated Licinian at Chrysopolis. Stealthily the armed 
group approached the garden of Gethsemane... 

"Then the band and the captain and officers of the Jews took 
Jesus and bound him... 

The examination of Jesus before Annas was illegal as no pre- 
liminary interrogatories were allowed. The trial before the Great 
Sanhedrin was equally illegal, as its convening was not formal, 
contained a packed quorum of twenty-three, and, in addition, there 
is considerable doubt whether the day was one on which its action 
would have the effect of law. Contrary to all the rules of Jewish 
law, the session was held at night, although the court's decision 
was rendered at dawn. Jewish law provided that the Sanhedrin 
must adjourn for a period of at least twelve hours before it might 
legally impose a sentence of condemnation. 

"Now Caiaphas was he, which gave counsel to the Jews that it 
was expedient that one man should die for the people... Annas 
had sent Him bound unto Caiaphas the high priest... Then they 
led Jesus from Caiaphas unto the hall of judgment: and it was 
early; and they themselves went not into the hall of judgment, lest 
they should be defiled; but that they might eat the passover. Pilate 
then went out unto them, and said, What accusation bring ye 
against this Man? They answered and said unto him, If He were 
not a malefactor, we would not have delivered Him up unto thee. 
Then said Pilate unto them, Take ye Him, and judge Him accord- 
ing to your law. The Jews therefore said unto him, It is not lawful 
for us to put any man to death... 

"I find in Him no fault at all," declared Pilate when he had 
finished questioning Jesus. 

Annas and the high priest Caiaphas had blundered. Had they 
presented Jesus to Pilate charged only with blasphemy — the crime 
for which the Great Sanhedrin had condemned Him to death, Pilate 
would probably have ratified the death sentence without inquiry — 


blasphemy being one of the ecclesiastical crimes over which the 
Sanhedrin had full jurisdiction. But a second count was added to 
the indictment — treason. Pilate was not convinced. Perhaps Annas 
and Caiaphas did not blunder after all; the penalty in Judea for 
blasphemy was stoning. 

High treason (majestas) was the most serious offense known to 
Roman law, except the crime of sacrilege. The penalty was either 
banishment or death. When Pilate refused to ratify the sentence 
of crucifixion (the mode of death for malefactors and slaves) de- 
creed by the Great Sanhedrin on the basis of the general unspecified 
warrant, the Jews were compelled to formulate charges in con- 
formance with Roman law. Each count in such an indictment 
must be tried separately. Therefore, the Jews charged Jesus with 
three counts, perverting the nation, forbidding tribute to Caesar, 
and making Himself a King. Pilate found little evidence to support 
the first two counts and probably would have thrown out the third 
if he had not been acting under Roman policy of appeasing the 
leaders of the conquered province. 

"Then Pilate entered into the judgment hall again, and called 
Jesus, and said unto him, Art thou the King of the Jews? Jesus 
answered him, Sayest thou this thing of thyself, or did others tell 
it thee of me? Pilate answered, Am I a Jew? Thine own nation 
and the chief priests have delivered thee unto me: what hast thou 
done? Jesus answered, My Kingdom is not of this world: if my 
Kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight, that 
I should not be delivered to the Jews: but now is my Kingdom 
not from hence. " 

And still Pilate could find no fault in Him. To the procurator 
Jesus was a religious man, a philosopher of some kind, and, cer- 
tainly, no threat to the great Caesar. The acquittal led to an 
outburst of protests from the mob led by the high priests. The 
traditions of Rome trembled in the balance. Someone screamed 
"crucify the Galilian," and Pilate — although he had already ac- 
quitted Jesus — illegally referred the case to Herod Antipas, who 
wanted no part in a charge of majestas. Herod Antipas attempted 
to appease the priests by compelling Jesus to don "gorgeous 
apparel" — the purple robes of royalty — and had Him taken back 
to Pilate. 

The proceedings that followed shamed the vaunted Roman justice. 
The rights of the Accused were utterly ignored. Once acquitted 
and completely exonerated of all charges, Jesus faced the same 
charged without a reindictment. For two hours Pilate wrestled 
with his conscience, his sense of justice, Roman policy, duty, and 
the fanatical Jews who demanded the extreme degradation of the 
Man who had taught the Kingdom of God and repudiated Jehovah's 
covenant with Abraham. 


Pilate yielded. The Roman judges pronounced the death sen- 
tence and called on the sun to witness the justice of their act. 
Pilate, to appease his conscience and outraged Roman justice, 
resorted to a Jewish practice. He called for water, and tossed 
the responsibility of his verdict on the priests of the Great San- 
hedrin. And then in a last desperate attempt to save an innocent 
Man, he addressed the fanatical Jewish mob. "Ye have a custom," 
he cried, "That I should release unto you one at the passover: will 
ye therefore that I release unto you the King of the Jews? Then 
cried they all again, saying, Not this Man, but Barabbas. Now 
Barabbas was a robber." 

Jewish propaganda would leave the impression that the Diaspora 
— the great dispersion of the Jews — came with the fall of Jerusalem 
in 70 A. D. History does not support this general belief. Long 
before the birth of Jesus the really great centers of the Jews were 
outside Palestine. And the Jews in these centers had largely 
abandoned the sacrificial, sacerdotal characteristics of Judaism, 
and the synagogue had become more important to them than the 
Temple priests. The fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the 
Temple did not destroy Judaism; it has been said that it destroyed 
Jewish Christianity. Instead of the high priest at Jerusalem, the 
Jews substituted a patriarch at Tiberias. For the political intrigues 
of the Temple at Jerusalem they established rabbinical schools. 
The changes were barely felt. But the rabbis kept Jewish eyes 
on Jerusalem with increasing intensity as the destruction of the 
Temple more and more receded into the misty glamour of the 
passing centuries. As Jews they grew more exclusive. The two 
drachmae per Jew which they had hitherto sent to Jerusalem was 
now paid to the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus and Judaism con- 
tinued to be protected by Rome. The Flavians and the Antonines 
dared not yield to the protests of the mobs; Rome needed the Jews 
for the finances of the Empire. 

It has been said that the dislike felt for the Jews by the citizens 
of the countries in which they resided, and the protection given 
them by the rulers of those countries for reasons of self-interest, 
constitute "two of the most permanent features of history." 

A strange and peculiar people; a people self-segregated and 
apart; a people chosen by God over all others; meticulously fair 
and just with their own, yet crafty and shrewd and unjust with 
Gentiles; it is little, wonder that the Gentiles would believe poison- 
ous and malicious tales about them. They worshipped the head 
of an ass, reported Tacitus, because, when dying of thirst in the 
wilderness, a herd of wild asses led them to water. The Egyptians 
had run them out of Egypt because of their leprosy. Plutarch 
reported that the pig was their god, and Juvenal observed that the 


hogs never die except of old age in Palestine, because the Jews 
look upon the flesh of swine as more precious than human beings. 
And the people believed. Men who spent every seventh day in 
idleness were incomprehensible to the Romans. They could not 
understood a people who refused to succor another human being 
unless he happened to be circumcised. Never before had there 
been sojourners in Rome who asked for so much and contributed 
so little; never before an alien people who demanded so much of 
Roman law and yet so fully despised it. It was said that the Jews 
who controlled certain districts in Alexandria annually offered a 
Greek in sacrifice to their God — a libel against the Jews that per- 
sisted in one form or another through the centuries. In spite of 
police and the protection of the rulers, the populace occasionally 
threw all precaution to the winds and slaughtered the Jews and 
burned their houses. 

The fanatical burning hatred of the Jews for the Christians 
far surpassed the hatred the Romans felt for the Jews. The syna- 
gogues, according to Tertullian were "the sources of persecution" 
of the Christians — and their synagogues might be found in nearly 
every province of the Empire. While the greatest number of Jews 
might be found in Alexandria their societies flourished everywhere. 
"The customs of this notorious people," complained Seneca, "have 
already come into such fashion that they have been introduced 
into every land; the conquered have given laws to the conquerors." 

The number of Jews scattered throughout the Roman Empire 
accounted little for their wide-spread influence among Rome's 
officialdom. They were then, as they are now, the bankers of 
the world. They remained Jehovah's chosen people — a nation in 
exile which must surely one day control the world. This central 
theme of their religion was the strongest weapon in their arsenal; 
the most potent force for offense and defense. It excluded patriot- 
ism for the country of their birth or adoption. The world about 
them was a world to exploit and loot and the Gentile cattle that 
tolerated them were outside the mercy of Jehovah and the private 
scheme of things embodied in the covenant with Abraham. After 
all, was the world not theirs? Had it not been said: "For the 
nation and kingdom that will not serve thee shall perish; yea, 
those nations shall be utterly wasted..." 

It was the Jews of Rome who convinced the police that the 
Christians were not entitled to the political and religious privileges 
which were accorded the Jews. On every occasion thereafter the 
Jews aroused the authorities against the Christians. "The Jews 
treat us as open enemies," said Justin Martyr, "putting us to death 
and torturing us, just as you heathens do, whenever they can." 
For the greater part, however, the Jews acted with oriental subtlety 
and cunning, continuously stirring up the heathen mobs against 


followers of Jesus. They scattered horrible charges about them 
throughout the Empire. They invented scandals about the birth 
of Jesus, and spread stories far and wide that Christians sacri- 
ficed children during their rituals. And the people believed. 

Judaism had been recognized as a religio licita by Julius Caesar, 
who conferre on it and its followers many special privileges. 
While Tiberius and Claudius made efforts to check the growing 
Jewish population of Rome, most of Julius Caesar's successors 
continued his policy, and some of them actually augmented Jewish 
liberties. While Roman policy granted civil jurisdiction to the 
people of a conquered province, it was hardly to be expected that 
such a policy would be extended to an alien people within the 
empire. But, amazing as it may seem, Rome made an exception 
of the Jews and granted them civil jurisdiction over their com- 
munities. They were exempt from military service — an exemption 
not granted to conquered tribes. The Jew alone, of all people in 
the empire, was excused from offering sacrifices to the fortunes 

of Caesar and Rome. 


The obsession of world domination produced a mutinous and 
fanatical disposition in the Jews. In spite of the hatred they inspired 
in the pagan populace, they were protected and comparatively 
well treated under the reigns of most of the Roman emperors. 
They were particularly well treated under Nerva. There was no 
gratitude, however, in Israel. Each Jew was a sovereign in his 
own right and the proud Roman who lorded it over him was 
his ordained slave. Collectively the sons of Abraham would van- 
quish the Gentile and rule the world from the new temple they 
would build on Mount Zion. 

The Spaniard, Ulpianus Trajan succeeded Nerva as emperor of 
the Roman Empire. Jews and Christians were still confused in the 
popular mind, and, because Christianity had emerged from Juda- 
ism, the pagan world in the first century looked upon both as 
Jewish. Trajan, wise and upright as he was, undoubtedly looked 
upon the Christian and the Jew as a single product of Palestine 
and practicers of "foreign superstition." Consequently the insur- 
rections, massacres, and atrocities of the Jews in the Eastern 
Empire reacted against the Christians. 

During the war of Trajan with Parthia the Roman legions were 
withdrawn from the African provinces. Only a few under-manned 
garrisons remained to enforce the peace and maintain the authority 
of the Roman governors. The fall of Jerusalem was fresh in the 
minds of Jews then living, and the rabbis and elders were aflame 
with preparation for the day of deliverance and the fulfillment of 
the Covenant. Jewish couriers quietly carried the message of 


insurrection into every Jewish community in the Empire. Great 
stores of arms were secretly acquired and carefully hidden. "Soon 
the Temple will be rebuilt" became the pass-word of greeting, 
uttered with passionate significance, if in guarded tone. 

In Judea the conspiracy was led by Julianus and Pappus, both 
of whom held positions of importance among the Jews. The revo- 
lutionary troops mobilized on the plain of Rimmon, or the great 
plain of Jezreel. In Cyrene the Jews were under the leadership 
of Andrew and Lucuas (thought by some historians to be the same 
man under two names). The withdrawal of Roman troops from 
the provinces was probably the signal for the revolt. In any event, 
it broke simultaneously with wild fury throughout the heavily 
Jewish populated provinces of the Empire. 

The Greeks, of course, were the immediate victims of Jewish 
fury. All Egypt, both Alexandria and Thebais, with Cyrene, arose. 
The Jewish successes in Egypt were immediate. The Greeks re- 
treated before them, falling back to Alexandria. The City fell to 
the Greeks and most of its Jewish population perished. Headed 
now by Andrew and Lucuas, the Jewsh armies swept over all 
Lower Egypt, where they were reinforced by additional thousands. 
They penetrated Thebais and butchered all who stood in their way. 
The Roman army under Lupus, dispatched to quell the revolt, was 
defeated. The pagan world, immersed in cruelty, had never wit- 
nessed such scenes of horror and barbarity. The Jews, in a frenzy 
of blood, killed every Gentile within striking distance — "they 
killed a multitude of people countless as the sands of the sea." 
Nor were they content with merely killing. Some of the Gentile 
leaders were sawed asunder from head to foot. They flayed the 
Gentile bodies, and clothed themselves with the skins. They twisted 
the entrails of the slain and wore them as girdles. They annointed 
themselves with the blood of their victims. The victors, who dis- 
dained to eat the flesh of swine, feasted on the bodies of their 
enemies. Captives were thrown to wild beasts, or forced to fight 
each other to the death as gladiators in the arenas. 220,000 Gen- 
tiles fell in Egypt, while not a single goim of either sex or age 
was left alive in Cyprus — some 240,000. The populous city of 
Salamis became a desert. 

Lupus, the Roman governor, without troops after his defeat, 
was helpless to stay the horror about him. Terror, such as had 
never before been known, swept the land. Meanwhile, Hadrian 
(afterward emporer) landed his legions on Cyprus and defeated 
the Jews, whom he expelled from the island. Not even a ship- 
wrecked Jew was ever again permitted to land on the island with- 
out suffering the penalty of death. 

Marcius Turbo landed with a considerable force of cavalry and 
legions on the coast of Cyrene. He soon suppressed the insur- 


rection in that province and marched upon Egypt where Lucuas 
still spread death and terror. Lucuas and his Jewish butchers 
attempted to force their way by the Isthmus of Suez, and some 
of them are believed to have escaped into Palestine. It is recorded 
that the Jewish losses exceeded the number that fled Egypt under 
Moses— 600, 000. 

With the destruction of the Alexandrian synagogue, "The glory 
of Israel departed." 

A A A A A A 

The Jews believe that the idea of their personal Messiah is the 
natural outcome of the "prophetic future hope." They look upon 
Isaiah as the first prophet who gave a detailed picture of the future 
ideal king. The Messiah is inseparably bound up with their desire 
of universal dominion. The newly risen Messiah, they believe, will 
be a scion of Jesse, and he will stand forth as a beacon to other 
nations, and the world will come to him for guidance and arbitra- 
tion. The Messiah of Micah will hold dominion over all the nations. 
He is "a righteous sprout of David," who will establish just judg- 
ment over all the world, and Jerusalem is to be his capitol. 

A Messiah of the house of David will arise who will reestablish 
the greatness of Israel and extend its rule to all nations. His 
scheduled arrival was expected at the end of the fourth century 
(Apocalypse of Baruch). He would utterly destroy the world- 
empire of Rome. The last emperor would be taken alive, after 
the complete destruction of his legions, and carried in chains to 
Mount Zion to be judged by the Messiah. After having heard a 
recital of his long list of iniquities, the emperor would be put to 
death by the hand of the Messiah himself. All hostile nations 
not destroyed with the Roman empire, would be conquered. There- 
after the Messiah would rule the entire world until the end of time. 
Other Jewish concepts of the Messiah picture a righteous man 
who will rule the world under the direction of Jehovah. This 
more spiritual concept contemplates a conquest of the world by 
divine means for the establishment of universal peace. Violence 
and physical compulsion, according to this theory, are replaced by 
love and justice. The conquest of this Messiah is to be accomp- 
lished by a change of heart in all humanity at the moment of the 
instantaneous acceptance of the mission of Israel. 

A rabbinical concept holds that the Messiah is already here and 
that he leads a hidden life. Some assert that he was born at Beth- 
lehem on the day that the Temple was destroyed. It is believed 
that he may come like a thief in the night, or make his appearance 
like a flash of lightning. And no one may foretell his coming. 

Whatever the Jewish concept may be — whether the Messiah is 
already born, or is yet to come — the central and constant essence 
of the idea is that the Messiah will deliver Israel from the Gentiles, 


reestablish the glory of Jerusalem, and rule the world from that 
ancient seat of Jewish power. 

There have been an amazing number of equally amazing Jewish 
characters who have claimed to be either the Messiah himself or 
the Ephraitic Messiah — the forerunner of the Davidic Messiah. 
Many were unquestionably conscious imposters, exploiting for their 
own self-interest the hopes and beliefs of the Jewish communities. 
Some of them quite conceivably may have been deluded into be- 
lieving they were, in fact, what they pretended to be. A few may 
have assumed the fraud as an aid to a sincere desire to spread 
some particular doctrine that might not be acceptable if presented 
by a mere man. Whatever their motives, they all posed as the de- 
liverer of Israel. 


Bar Kokba is probably the first in importance among these 
imposters. He was hailed as Messiah-King by Akiba: "There shall 
come forth a star out of Jacob, and a scepter shall rise out of 
Israel, and shall smite through the corners of Moab... I will 
shake the heavens and the earth and I will overthrow the thrones 
of Kingdoms. . . " 

The insurrection of the Jews of Cyrene, Cyprus, and Egypt had 
hardly been supressed when a new rebellion broke forth in Pales- 
tine. Hadrian ascended the throne in 118 with the picture of the 
horrible massacre of the people of Cyprus by the Jews still re- 
voltingly fresh in his mind. Marcius Turbo had sentenced to death 
the brothers Julian and Pappus, but the sentence was not carried 
out. Lucius Quietus, conqueror of the Mesopotamia Jews, was 
given command of the Roman army in Palestine after the execu- 
tion of Turbo. Lucius' first act was the siege of Lydda, where the 
Jews had gathered for a determined stand. He soon took the place 
by storm and the Jews were either slain or executed — Pappus and 
Julian among them. 

For fifteen years the Jews nourished their hatred of Hadrian 
and again secretly prepared to renew the rebellion. They sabot- 
aged the weapons they were compelled to manufacture for the 
Romans, so that they were rejected and returned to them. Caves 
were converted into hiding places and fortifications. Rabbi Akiba 
traveled to the Jewish communities in Europe and Asia secretly 
soliciting funds and support from the Jewish populations for the 
coming rebellion. 

Bar Kokba is said to have been preparing for the war in the 
first years of the reign of Hadrian. He was a very remarkable 
person. He was able to blow burning tow (rope, or chain) from 
his mouth, and to hurl back with his knees the stones discharged 
by the Roman engines. He tested the courage of his soldiers by 
having them cut off a finger, and ordering every horseman to 


tear a cedar up by the roots while riding at full speed. Two hundred 
thousand soldiers passed the first test, and two hundred thousand 
horsemen passed the second. Jews residing in foreign countries 
came to Judea in great numbers to swell Bar Kokba's army. Sam- 
aritans and pagans also participated. It is said that Christians 
who refused to deny Jesus were tortured, but Jewish writers con- 
tend that they were tortured for refusing to assist Bar Kokba 
in the war. 

Rufus, the Governor-General, was unable to withstand the first 
onslaught of Bar Kokba's armies. Fifty strongholds and nine 
hundred and eighty-five undefended towns and villages were lost 
to the Jews at the beginning of the war. Publius Marcellus, legate 
of Syria, was sent to Rufus' aid, but he was soon overwhelmed and 
defeated. Julius Severus was recalled from Britain by Hadrian 
and given command. He marched into Palestine from the north, 
and in a series of battles, culminating in the fall of Bethar, he 
brought the war to an end. Here, on the walls of his principal 
stronghold, Bar Kokba was slain. The war had lasted three and 
one-half years, and Bar Kokba's failure as a Messiah put an end 
to Messianic appearance for several centuries. Messianic hopes, 
however, continued to flourish. 


The Talmud expected the true Messiah to appear between 440 
and 471. Jewish hopes ran high, so that the announcement of 
Moses of Crete that he was the Messiah was greeted with fanatical 
fervor. Moses declared that he had come to lead the Jews back 
to Palestine, and promised that they would walk dry-shod through 
the sea to their ancient home. His followers, having sold all their 
possessions, gathered at the sea-shore at the appointed time. At 
the command of Moses they courageously plunged into the waves, 
where many were drowned. No one seems to know what happened 
to Moses. He was never heard of again. 


Ishak ben Ya 'Kub appeared in Persia at the end of the seventh 
century. He did not claim to be the Messiah himself. He con- 
tended that he was the last of five heralds of the Messiah, and 
that his immediate mission was to free Israel. Gathering a huge 
following he rebelled against the Calif, and was slain with his 
followers at Rai. He is credited with being the founder of the 

first sect that arose in Judaism after the destruction of the temple. 

Yudghan (Al-Rai), a disciple of Ishak, Serene, David Alroy (or 
Alrui), Abraham Abulafia, Joseph Gikatilla, Samuel, Nissim ben 
Abraham, Moses Botarel of Cisneros, Asher Lemmlein, David 
Reubeni, Soloman Molko, Isaac Luria, and Hayyim Vital Calabrese, 
are a few of the more important pseudo Ephraitic and Davidic 


Messiahs that raised Jewish hopes of world domination throughout 
the centuries. 

Sabbatai Zebi, the "Messiah" of the seventeenth century, probably 
made the deepest impression on world Jewry. Certainly his influ- 
ence was more wide-spread than that of any of his predecessors. 
He founded, in a sense, a dynasty of Zebi Messiahs. It was said 
that each succeeding Zebi was a reincarnation of the first. 

Sabbatai was born in Smyrna in 1626. During the war between 
Turkey and Venice, his father, Mordecai, amassed a fortune as 
the agent of an English interest doing business in Smyrna. His 
father's ambition that Sabbatai become a rabbi was thwarted by 
Sabbatai's lack of proficiency in the Talmud. The halakic and 
pilpulistic studies failed to inspire him with enthusiasm. His entire 
interest centered on mysticism and the Cabala. 

The first half of the seventeenth century saw a great upsurge 
of Messianic agitation. Some Christians added their voices to the 
clamor by assigning the "apocalyptic year" to the year 1666. Man- 
asseh ben Israel, in a letter to Cromwell urging the readmission 
of the Jews to England, did not hesitate to use the certainty of 
the Messiah's coming as an argument in support of his plea. "The 
opinions of many Christians and mine do concur herein," he wrote, 
"that we both believe that the restoring time of our Nation into 
their native country is very near at hand." 

The cabalistic Jews believed that the Zohar set the time of 
Israel's triumph through the Messiah for the year 1648. Though 
he was only twenty-two when the fateful year of 1648 arrived, 
Sabbatai announced to a selected group of followers that he was 
the Messiah, He had come, he announced, to overthrow the gov- 
ernments of the world and to restore Israel to Jerusalem. The 
rabbis of Smyrna, and praticularly Sabbatai's teacher, Joseph 
Escapa, were not very deeply impressed with the pretentions of the 
young man, and eventually excommunicated him and his followers. 
A few years later he and his disciples were banished from Smyrna. 

In Constantinople Sabbatai met Abraham ha-Yakini, who, im- 
pressed with the hoax, promptly forged a manuscript in archaic 
characters foretelling the event of Sabbatai's birth. The document 
was accepted as an actual revelation, and Sabbatai immeditely 
won many disciples and followers. In Salonica, a strong center 
of cabalists, he boldly proclaimed himself the Messiah. His cele- 
bration of his marriage as the son of God with the Torah, aroused 
the rabbis and he was banished from Salonica. In Cairo, Egypt, 
he met the wealthy and influential Raphael Joseph Halabi, who 
became one of his most zealous disciples. 

As the apocalyptic year 1666 approached Sabbatai became con- 
cerned lest his Messiah-ship not be firmly established by that time. 


He considered Jerusalem as a likely place in which to become a 
Messiah, and, consequently, journeyed to the Holy City, arriving 
there in 1663. 

A Jewish orphan girl named Sarah had been found by Christians 
in Poland and sent to a convent, where she remained until she 
was about sixteen. She went to Amsterdam and later to Leghorn. 
Here she conceived the idea that she was to become the bride of 
the Messiah. Sabbatai heard the report during his second stay 
in Cairo. He immediately confirmed the girl's story by announcing 
that such a wife had been promised him in a dream. (At least 
two wives had already divorced him on the ground that he had 
refuse to consummate the marriage. ) Sarah was brought to Cairo 
where she was married to Sabbatai at Halabi's house. 

Financed by Halabi, Sabbatai and Sarah returned to Jerusalem. 
Passing through Gaza, Sabbatai met Nathan Benjamin Levi, who 
is known under the name of Nathan Ghazzati. Nathan professed 
to be Elijah, the precurser of the Messiah. Working closely with 
Sabbatai, Nathan in 1665 proclaimed far and wide that the year 
1666 would mark the beginning of the Messianic age. Because the 
rabbis of Jerusalem threatened to excommunicate Sabbatai, Nathan 
announced that in the future Gaza would be the sacred city. Sab- 
batai returned to Smyrna where he made official proclamation of 
his messiahship. The Jews greeted him with delirious cries of 
"Long live our King, our Messiah!" 
Samuel Primo, Sabbatai's secretary, addressed the following 
circular to the whole of Israel: 

"The first-begotten son of God, Sabbatai Zebi, Messiah and 
Redeemer of the people of Israel, to all the sons of Israel, 
Peace! Since ye have been deemed worthy to behold the great 
day and the fulfillment of God's word by the Prophets, your 
lament and sorrow must be changed into joy, and your fasting 
into merriment, for ye shall weep no more. Rejoice with song 
and melody, and change the day formerly spent in sadness 
and sorrow into a day of jubilee, because I have appeared." 
Meanwhile Nathan was somewhat overdoing his publicity job. 
He announced everywhere that Sabbatai would soon place the 
sultan's crown on his own head. Sabbatai, in search of a miracle, 
journeyed to Constantinople. The under-pasha, commissioned to 
receive him as he landed from the ship, welcomed him with a 
vigorous box on the ear. He was immediately arrested, loaded 
down with chains, and thrown in prison. Sabbatai bribed every- 
one he came in contact with, and, as a result, received the best 
of treatment. When he was transferred to a state prison, he was 
allowed to have his friends accompany him. 

Meanwhile Nathan made capital out of the affair, spreading 
reports of the miraculous deeds being performed by the Messiah 


in Constantinople. Sabbaitai's fame increased everywhere as 
did the hopes of world Jewry. Money was sent to him from nearly 
every Jewish community enabling him to live in royal splendor. 
The Turks finally permitted him to live in the castle of Abydos, 
where he reigned as a king. 

European Jews prepared for their return to Palestine. Sabbatai's 
initials were posted in the synagogues, and prayers were said for 
him on Mondays and Thursdays as well as on Saturdays. His 
picture was printed together with that of King David in most of 
the prayer books together with his cabalistic formulas. Another 
imposter named Nehemiah ha-Kohen announced that he was a 
prophet and proclaimed the coming of the Messiah. Sabbatai 
ordered him to appear before him, which he did. Apparently the 
two could not get together and Sabbatai's followers contemplated 
the secret murder of the "prophet". Nehemiah, however, escaped 
to Constantinople and became a Mohammedan. Here he reported 
Sabbatai's treasonable plans to Turkish officials, who, in turn, in- 
formed the Sultan, Mohammed IV. Sabbati was immediately 
removed to Adrianople. The Sultan's physician, a former Jew, 
advised him that the only means he had of saving his life was to 
embrace Islam. When he was brought before the Sultan the fol- 
lowing day (September 16, 1666), he threw off his Jewish garments 
and put a Turkish turban on his head. The Sultan was very 
pleased at this performance, and spared his life. He conferred on 
him the title "Effendi" and gave him a job as doorkeeper at 
a good salary. Sarah and a number of Sabbatai's followers went 
through the same instantaneous conversion. Sabbatai, now being 
a Mohammedan, was compelled to take an extra wife. 

The pseudo-Messiahs accomplished more for the Jews and their 
fanatical ambition for world domination than is generally conceded. 
Each hoax made some psychological impression on many Christians. 
Doubts were instilled in their minds; first, whether Jesus was the 
promised Messiah; and, second, whether the prophecies of the Old 
Testament were founded on divine revelation. Many Christians, 
observing the reoccuring frenzy of the Jews in anticipation of the 
various comings of their Messiahs, compromised their faith, thereby 
giving rise to complex theologies that must one day shatter the 
solidarity of Christianity. Moreover, certain Christian writers 
and leaders, impressed by the "chosen people" myth and forgetful 
of the mission of Jesus extending God's salvation to all people, 
accepted the Jewish claim to ultimate world domination and set 
about rationalizing and reconciling the paradox. 

The suppression by the Romans of the Jewish bid for world 
power by force of arms was a severe blow to Jewish pretentions 
in the century that followed the rise of Christianity. The wound 


certainly appeared to be mortal, but history records its miraculous 
healing. The Jewish Rabbis were determined that the drive for the 
fulfilment of the Covenant would never cease. They were con- 
vinced that there were means of conquest yet undreamed, and they 
were certain that those means would be revealed and relentlessly 

The ever-immediate task was the preservation of the Jewish 

■k -k -k -k -k -k 

The Jews, although scattered throughout the known world, turned 
their eyes and hearts toward Tiberias. The solidarity of the race 
appears to have strengthened in dispersion. Uppermost in their 
minds was the exalted destiny promised them through Abraham, and 
the means by which that destiny must be achieved: the sign of the 
Covenant; the rite of circumcision; their Jewishness, and the 
purity of the seed of their great Patriarch. The rabbis, who had 
been hunted down by the Romans as the chief leaders of the 
atrocities in Africa and Cypress, gradually emerged from hiding 
after the death of Hadrian. They were soon encouraged to re- 
establish their schools and synagogues. 

The Great Sanhedrin, which the Jews themselves contended had 
never ceased to function, reasserted its authority over all Jewry. 
It ultimately founded its world headquarters in Tiberias, the city 
that Herod Antipas had built. The town had been erected over an 
ancient cemetery, and the site was objectionable as being unclean, 
until, with the aid of cabalistic art, Simon Ben Jochai discovered 
the exact boundaries of the cemetery and marked them off. With 
Simon, the son and heir of Gamaliel, acknowledged as the Patri- 
arch of the Jews and Prince of the Sanhedrin, Tiberias became the 
capital of the Jewish nation. The courts of law were reestablished 
with R. Nathan as Ab-beth-din, and R. Meir, Hachim, as Head of 
the Law. The Jews throughout the Roman Empire turned eagerly 
toward Tiberias. The orders of the Patriarch became the law of 
the Jews in Rome, Spain, Africa, and wherever else a Jew might 
find himself. Origen, a Christian, would later describe the power 
of the Jewish Patriarch: "Even now," he wrote, "when the Jews 
are under the dominion of Rome, and pay the didrachm, how 
great, by the permission of Caesar, is the power of their Ethnarch! 
I myself have been a witness that it is little less than that of a 
king. For they secretly pass judgments according to their Law, 
and some are capitally condemned, not with open and acknowl- 
edged authority, but with the connivance of the Emperor. This 
I have learned, and am fully acquainted with, by long residence 
in their country." 

■k -k -k -k -k -k 

Wherever a Jewish community existed, there existed the syna- 


gogue. A Legate of the Patriarch (called an apostle) made regular 
visits to the various synagogues, collecting revenue for the Temple 
and the Patriarch. These Legates had the power and authority 
to hear disputes and to regulate the life of the community. 

The Legates carried the Patriarch's message of hatred for the 
Christians throughout the known world, repeating in each syna- 
gogue the Patriarch's solemn curse upon the name of Jesus Christ. 
Each community was warned against "detested" Christianity, and 
admonished to do everything within their power to destroy it. These 
annual visits of the apostles of the Patriach served to inflame the 
hatred of the farflung Jewish communities for their Christian neigh- 
bors, and drove them to greater zeal in their efforts of persecution. 
Although they despised the pagans about them, they hated the Chris- 
tians more, and, whenever occasion arose, they joined the heathen 
in harassing the followers of Christ. They shouted for the execution 
of Christian martyrs, and busied themselves, as in the case of 
Polycarp, in keeping the burning wood close about the body of 
the expiring martyrs. When, within a few centuries, the physical 
monarchy at Tiberias had disappeared, the synagogues continued 
the mental enslavement of the Jewish communities. One people; 
one nation; a chosen people, destined to rule the world! 

Those Jews who would free themselves from the invisible iron 
chains that bound them to the nation, faced punishments too 
horrible to contemplate. The Patriarch had the power of life and 
death over all Jews, and this power was later assumed by the 
synagogues. The scourging with forty stripes less one was a 
forceful argument in keeping a recalcitrant Jew in line. Perhaps, 
more dreadful than the scourgings, was the sentence of excommu- 
nication. This sentence had three degrees, the most severe being 
the Shammata — the irrevocable sentence of civil death. All of the 
curses conceivable by the human mind were heaped upon the ex- 
communicated Jew who received the sentence of Shammata: "Let 
nothing good come out of him, let his end be sudden, let all creat- 
ures become his enemies, let the whirlwind crush him, the fever 
and every other malady and the edge of the sword smite him, let 
his death be unforeseen, and drive him into outer darkness." 
The sentence did not end with death. No one dare mourn the 
outcast of Israel. His coffin was stoned and a heavy slab placed 
over his remains. 

There was no escape! 

Education was under the rigid control and guidance of the 
rabbis. As soon as a child could speak it learned to repeat basic 
religious axioms: the covenant with Abraham and hatred for the 
Gentiles. Between three and four years of age the child learned 
his letters. By the age of ten years he had been taught to read 


the Torah and had learned of his exalted destiny as one of the 
chosen people. He then began his studies of the Mischna. At thir- 
teen years and one day he assumed the solemn obligation to keep 
the six hundred and thirteen precepts of the Law. At fifteen, he 
commenced study of the Gemara. He was married at eighteen 
and went into business at twenty. There were no recesses or 
vacations included in this educational program. Every minute of 
the day and every day of the year had its precise regulation. 
Every act was molded to fit the tortured interpretation of Scrip- 
ture, while the most trivial incident of existence was decided by 
the dialectic mental gymnastics of the men of the Talmud. The 
rather drab, immoral, and sordid history of the Jewish nation 
was painted in brilliant colors of magnificence, intermingled with 
the certainty of the glory of the future. The mind of the Jewish 
child developed in an ever-present straight-jacket of race-super- 
iority; he was never permitted to forget for a second that he was 
one of Jehovah's very own. The Temple would be rebuilt; the 
Messiah would come; Israel would rule the world! And when 
that day came — woe to the Christian! Woe to the Gentile! "The 
Jew should rise early in the morning; his first thoughts and prayers 
should be on the desolation and restoration of Jerusalem. God 
hears the prayers of those who rise by night to weep for Jeru- 
salem." There was not a single act in the life of the Jew that 
was not minutely governed in all of its ramifications and possible 

Constantine recognized the deep-seated hatred of the Jews for 
Christianity, and the statutes promulgated by him against them 
strongly indicate their necessity. The first of these statutes 
provided that any Jew who should stone, or endanger the life of 
a Christian convert, would be burned alive. All Christians were 
prohibited from becoming Jews. Before his death Constantine 
issued a decree prohibiting Jews from owning Christian slaves. 
Constantius, the son and successor to Constantine, continued the 
policies of his father. The Jews, although restricted in their per- 
secutions, remained Roman citizens and exercised most of the 
special privileges granted them under Constantine's predecessors. 
Far from being oppressed and servile, as many Jewish apologists 
would indicate, they were arrogant and pugnacious. They became 
adept at choosing sides in a political feud, and, as they gained 
in experience, they became experts in fomenting and exciting 
such feuds. In Alexandria they insinuated themselves into the 
disputes of the Arians and Athanasians. They joined the Pagans 
under the Arian Bishop and committed such horrible atrocities 
that Athanasius relates them with reluctance and without shock- 
ing detail. They burned the Churches, profaning them with un- 


thinkable outrages, and violated the consecrated virgins. The 
realization that a follower of the despised Christ was seated on 
the imperial throne of the Roman Empire drove them to exas- 
perated fury. 

The accession of Julian, the apostate, filled the heart of Jewry 
with a wild exultation. His first act was a denunciation of the 
Christians. It appears that Julian was moved by the same political 
considerations that would move Gentile politicians through the 
ages that were to come. His wooing of the Jews was designed 
to buy their support for his party and to thus win the Jews of 
Mesopotamia to his cause in the campaign against the Persians. 
In furtherance of this scheme Julian issued an edict for rebuilding 
the Temple on Mount Moriah. It is said that he was further 
influenced in this step by having learned that the Jews offered 
sacrifices, but that they might lawfully do so only on the site 
of their former Temple. It was Julian's considered opinion that 
sacrifice was the one certain sign of a true religion. 

The arrogance and exultation of the Jews, when informed of 
Julian's decree to rebuild the Temple, knew no bounds. Some pro- 
claimed Julian as the Messiah. Jews and wealth poured into 
Jerusalem. The excavations were finished and the foundations 
prepared. Flames suddenly burst from the hill, accompanied by 
a series of terrific explosions. It is said that an earthquake shook 
the mount, and that ashes of fire in the form of crosses settled 
on the garments of the workers. The Talmud not only fails to 
record the event, but fails to mention this third attempt to rebuild 
the Temple. Julian fell in his campaign aganist the Persians, and 
the Jews were compelled to postpone the matter until a more 
propitious time. 

The early Church displayed an enthusiastic eagerness in making 
proselytes and particularly rejoiced in the conversion of the Jews. 
Such converts were welcomed with open-handedness reminiscent 
of the prodigal son. Many Jews took advantage of the oppor- 
tunity thus offered, and traveled from Church to Church, submit- 
ting to baptism in each. It is said that many of them did a very 
profitable business in this trade of deceit. The practice apparently 
became so widespread that it became necessary to enact a law 
requiring an investigation and a probationary period before a 
Jew might be baptized. 

The celebration of the feast of Purim became a symbolic orgy 
of hatred against the Christians. It was the one occasion when 
the entire Jewish community might give wild vent to its smolder- 
ing fanatical hate. Under guise of their ancestor's deliverance 
by Esther from the despised Haman, they made manifest their 


intentions against the Christians by ill-concealed mockery and 
derision of Christianity. What the Jews did to Haman the Jews 
would do to Christians. Every time the hated name of Haman 
was uttered, the Jews beat the benches of the synagogue with 
stones and mallets, screaming and yelling with frenzied zeal. A 
gibbet was erected for the celebration, on which a figure repre- 
senting Haman was suspended. Sometimes the gibbet was made 
in the form of a cross, with Haman's figure suspended in the 
manner of the Crucifixion. The appearance of this scene during 
the celebration called for complete audience participation, and 
the synagogues rang with cries of the crudest and most profane 
denunciations. The Christians, having no doubt as to the real 
meaning of the performances, were shocked and understandably 
indignant. Theodosius II put an end to these indecent scenes by 

the enactment of a law prohibiting the festival. 

In a town named Inmester, between Chalcis and Antioch, two 
Jews publicly mocked and blasphemed the name of Christ. They 
erected a cross in the street, and having caught a Christian boy, 

fastened him to it, and scourged him so brutally that he died. 

The Jews of Alexandria gathered in the dead of night and raised 
the cry that the great Church Alexander was on fire. Each Jew 
wore a ring of palmbark so that they might recognize each other 
in the dark. When the Christians rushed from all quarters to save 
their Church, the Jews fell on them and massacred them without 
mercy. The Archbishop Cyril, when daylight revealed the treach- 
ery, attacked the synagogues with a formidable force, killed many 
of the Jews, and drove the rest from the city. 

The Jews had an almost complete monopoly of the slavetrade. 
While Europe was suffering under the crash and tumult of war, 
its Churches and Monasteries falling in ruins, and bankruptcy 
threatening the Christian world, the Jew grew rich and powerful 
as he drove his human chattels to the slave markets. He must 
have chuckled with deep satisfaction as he surveyed the young 
Christian men and women who made up the most valuable mer- 
chandise in his slave-gangs. The Church did everything within 
its power to put an end to this horrible traffic, but its voice went 
unheeded. Christian monarchs, however, had a rather honest 
excuse for their failure to enforce the edicts of the Church. To 
have prohibited the trade would have condemned the Christians 
to death. Invading and conquering armies had respect for human 
life only if it had value to them. Without the self-interest of gain 
from the sale of a captive, the vicious hordes attacking Christen- 
dom would have slain every Christian encountered. Hence, the 


choice was between massacre or slavery, and the Christian rulers 

decided on the lesser of the two evils. So the Jew continued this 

odious calling without much hindrance. 


There is no single fact in history more clearly obvious than 
the peculiar animosity of the Jews for all peoples other than their 
own. It is only to be understood on the basis of the almost in- 
credible obsession of race-superiority — the myth of the chosen 
people. The general antagonism against all Gentiles in general 
is surpassed only by Jewish hatred of Christianity in particular. If 
Christ was the Son of God and brought salvation to all the races 
of the world, then, of course, the Covenant with Abraham was 
misinterpreted by the Jews in the first place, or it was superseded 
by Christ's mission. The Jew — as long as he is hedged in the 
mental ghetto of his race — can never accept this doctrine. The 
Messiah he expected was to be an invincible warrior who would 
conquer the Gentiles, rebuild the Temple, and rule the nations of 
the world from the ancient seat of power in Jerusalem. The 
Jehovah of Judaism is a jealous God, and glory and power is only 
for the seed of Abraham who wear the scar of the Covenant. 
Organized Jewry will never abandon its inborn conviction that it 
is the chosen people. The passing of the centuries has neither 
dulled nor modified this ingrained faith of destiny. Only the 
interpretation of the means of accomplishment have been altered; 
new methods for old, and a concerted plan of action under modern 
and scientific planning. There is no need for blue-prints and maps 
of strategy. A tacit understanding is the in-built work of the 
synagogue, laminated with indestructible cement over a period of 
two thousand years. 

Perhaps the Messiah expected so long is merely a symbol of 
their own genius; the tempered weapon of their own ingenuity. 
What might not be accomplished by the sword, may more easily 
be achieved by the mind. There is more power in the intrigues 
of the cloak-room than is to be purchased in the halls of oratory, 
and it is better to own the king than sit on the throne. There is 
more destructive power in the counting-room than may be found 
in a hundred atom bombs, and it is more profitable to finance your 
enemies to fight each other than it is to fight both of them yourself. 
It is easier to infiltrate a government than to take it by assault; 
and what can be done with a single government may be done with 
a government of all nations. 



WHEREVER a Jewish community existed, there also was the 
Talmud. It has been well said that the Talmud not only 
awaited the Jewish infant at birth but anticipated each event and 
circumstance in its life thereafter from the earliest moment of 
probality. "In every relation of life, in every action, in every 
conceivable circumstance — for food, dress, habit, language, devo- 
tion, relaxation — it prescribes almost every word to be uttered, 
and almost every thought to be conceived. Its rule is minute, 
omnipresent, inflexible. Its severity is never relaxed." 

Each Jewish community throughout the world turned its thoughts 
toward Jerusalem and, as the centuries rolled by, the ancient seat 
of Jewish power came to symbolize the central theme of Judaism 
— the ultimate fulfillment of the Covenant Jehovah had made with 
Abraham. Certainly, before the Gentile world lay at their feet, 
the Chosen People must have reestablished the seat of world-gov- 
ernment in its ancient place — Jerusalem. When Jewish poets again 
would sing they would sing of Jerusalem — and more particularly 
of Zion, its holy hill where David built the Temple, and Zeru- 
babbel rebuilt it. 

Wherever a Jew wandered he found Jewish settlements and 
colonies. Wherever he wandered he found the Gentile rulers more 
or less under the influence and control of his brethren. Political 
pressure and "back stair diplomacy" were fine Jewish arts through- 
out the Gentile world long before Titus battered down the walls 
of Jerusalem. 

"How numerous even in Rome the Jewish population was already 
before Caesar's time, and how closely at the same time the Jews even 
then kept together as fellow-countrymen, is shown by the remark 
of an author of this period, that it was dangerous for a governor 
to offend the Jews in his province, because he might then be cer- 
tainly hissed after his return, by the populace of the capitol. Even 
at this time the predominant business of the Jews was trade... 
At this period too we encounter the peculiar antipathy of the 
Occidentals toward this so thoroughly Oriental race and their 
foreign opinions and customs. This Judaism, although not the 
most pleasing feature in the nowhere pleasing picture of the mix- 
ture of nations which then prevailed, was nevertheless an historical 
element developing itself in the natural course of things... which 
Caesar, just like his predecessor Alexander fostered as far as 
possible.... They did not of course contemplate placing the 



Jewish nationality on an equal footing with the Hellenic or Italo- 
Hellenic." — (History of Rome, Mommsen. ) 

Eastern Europe received its immigrants from Hellenized Asia. 
The immigration into Western Europe stemmed mainly from the 
Roman Empire. Among the ancient Jewish settlements in Eastern 
Europe were those colonies on the northern shores of the Black 
Sea. For some unexplained reason the Jews appear to have fol- 
lowed in the footsteps of the Greeks as they moved from Asia 
Minor into various parts of the then known world. 

At the end of the Third Century the pagan population in concert 
with the Jews revolted against the Christian regime in Cherso- 
nesus, near Savastopol. "The struggle between the Christian mis- 
sionaries during that period," writes Dubnow, the Jewish historian, 
"had for its object the Khazar nation..." 


"Forming originally a conglomerate of Finnish-Turkish tribes, 
the war-like Khazars appeared in the Caucasus during the 'mi- 
gfation of nations' and began to make inroads into the Persian 
Empire of the Sassanids, often acting as tools of Persia's rival, 
Byzantium. The great Arabic conquests of the seventh century 
and the rise of the powerful Eastern Caliphate checked the move- 
ment of the Khazars towards the East, and turned it westward, 
to the shores of the Caspian Sea, the mouths of the Volga and the 
Don, the colonies on the Black and Azov Seas, and in particular, 
the flourishing region of Tauris. At the mouth of the Volga, where 
the mighty river joins the Caspian Sea, near the present city of 
Astrakhan, arose the Kingdom of Khazars with its capital Ityl, the 
name originally designating the river Volga. From there the 
bellicose Khazars made constant raids upon the Slavonian tribes 
far and near, to the very gates of Kiev, forcing them to become 
their tributaries." — (Dubnow, History of the Jews in Russia and 
Poland, Vol. 1, page 19. ) 

Another Khazar center was established in the Crimea among 
the Byzantine Greeks and Jews. From this vantage point the 
savage and ruthless Khazars pressed forward toward Byzantium 
and the Balkan Peninsula, threatening the Roman Empire of the 
East. The Byzantine emperors did not hesitate in entering into 
alliances with the Khagans (Khazar kings), thus appeasing their 
rapacious greed and checking their unbridled energy by means 
of concessions and the payment of tribute. It was believed in 
Constantinople that if the bloodthirsty Khazars could be con- 
verted to Christianity that the threat to the peace of the world — 
and to Christianity itself — might be averted. Thus the feet of the 
Russian bear were revealed, as the Khazars menaced Christian civ- 
ilization in the eighth century after Christ. 


Missionaries were dispatched from Byzantium and Tauris. The 
Jews, who mingled with the Khazars in the Crimea, rushed to fore- 
stall the Christian missionaries, and, in the end, succeeded in con- 
verting the Khagan and his people to Talmudic Judaism. 

The Jewish Encyclopedia, using the spelling "Chazars," traces 
the early history of this savage people, as follows: 

"The people of Turkish origin whose life and history are 
interwoven with the very beginnings of the history of the Jews 
in Russia. The kingdom of the Chazars was firmly established 
in most of South Russia long before the foundation of the 
Russian monarchy by the Varangians (855). Jews have lived 
on the shores of the Black and Caspian seas since the first cen- 
turies of the common era. Historical evidence points to the 
region of the Ural as the home of the Chazars. Among the 
classical writers of the Middle Ages they were known as the 
'Chazars', 'Khazirs', Akatzirs', and Akatirs', and in the Rus- 
sian chronicles as 'Khwalisses' and 'Ugry Byelyye'. 

"The Armenian writers of the fifth and following centuries 
furnish ample information concerning this people. Moses of 
Chorene refers to the invasion by the 'Khazirs' of Armenia and 
Iberia at the beginning of the third century: 'The chaghan 
was the king of the North, the ruler of the Khazirs, and the 
queen was the chatoun' ('History of Armenia', ii: 357). The 
Chazars first came to Armenia with the Basileans in 198. 
Though at first repulsed, they subsequently became important 
factors in Armenian history for a period of 800 years. Driven 
onward by the nomadic tribes of the steppes and by their own 
desire for plunder and revenge, they made frequent invasions 
into Armenia. The latter country was made the battleground 
in the long struggle between the Romans and the Persians. 
This struggle, which finally resulted in the loss by Armenia 
of her independence, paved the way for the political importance 
of the Chazars. The conquest of eastern Armenia by the 
Persians in the fourth century rendered the latter dangerous 
to the Chazars, who, for their own protection, formed an 
alliance with the Byzantines. This alliance was renewed 
from time to time until the final conquest of the Chazars by 
the Russians. Their first aid was rendered to the Byzantine 
emperor Julian, in 363. About 434 they were for a time tribu- 
tary to Attila — Sidonius Apollinaris relates that the Chazars 
followed the banners of Attila — and in 452 fought on the Cata- 
lanian fields in company with the Black Huns and Alans. 
The Persian king Kobad (488-531) undertook the construction 
of a line of forts through the pass between Derbent and the 
Caucasus, in order to guard against the invasion of the Cha- 


zars, Turks, and other war-like tribes. His son Chosroes 
Anoshirvan (531-579) built the wall of Derbent, repeatedly 
mentioned by the Oriental geographers and historians as Bab 
al-Abwab (Justi, 'Gesch. des Alten Persiens', p. 208). " 

In the second half of the sixth century the Khazars moved west- 
ward and established themselves in the territory bounded by the 
Sea of Azov, the Don and the lower Volga, the Caspian Sea, and 
the northern Caucasus. The Caucasian Goths (Tetraxites) were 
conquered by the Khazars in the seventh century. The Khazars 
were now powerful enough to send to the Byzantine emperor 
Heraclius an army of forty thousand men in his war against the 
Persians (626-627). The Khazars already occupied the northeast- 
ern part of the Black Sea region. Under Khagan Jebu they 
invaded Persia during the second campaign of Heraclius and 
devastated Albania. Heraclius thought so much of the Khagan 
that he is said to have promised him his daughter in marriage. 
In a battle between the Khazars and the Arabs near Kizliar, some 
four thousand Mohammedans and their leader were killed. 

In 669 the Ugrians (or Zabirs) came under the rule of the 
Khazars. In 679 they conquered the Bulgars and extended their 
domain west between the Don and the Dnieper and as far as the 
head-waters of the Donetz. 

The conversion of the Khazar hordes of Russia to Judaism took 
place about the year 740 A. D. Thus a vicious and rapacious nation 
akin to the blood-thirsty hordes that would later sweep out of 
Asia to overwhelm the Roman Empire came to be part of the 
Chosen People. Thus, this conquering Finnish-Turkish-Mongolian 
horde, whose ancestors never saw nor heard of Palestine, became 
Jews. The Khagan, his nobles and his people were circumcized. 
The Talmud went to Russia. Ultimately a strange many-languaged 
dialect became the tongue of the Khazar Jews, written in Hebrew 
characters, and called Yiddish. The descendants of the Khazars 
would one day become the most zealous Zionists of all Jewry. 
They would become the revolutionary leaders of the world, the 
socialists and communists of the 19th and 20th centuries. As 
the more ruthless of the Chosen People they would be the con- 
querors of Palestine and the destroyers of Christianity. They 
would work in the councils of nations; finance opposing armies 
and ultimately establish the parliament of the world. For is it 
not written: "The Lord thy God hath chosen thee to be a special 
people unto himself, above all people that are upon the face of the 
earth... and thou shall consume all the people which the Lord 


thy God shall deliver thee; thine eyes shall have no pity upon 
them... " 

A A A A A A 

According to A. Harkavy the conversion of the Khazars to Juda- 
ism took place in 620. Other authorities believe it was in 740. 

King Joseph in his letter to Hasdai ibn Shaprut (cerca 960), 
gives the following account of the conversion: 

"Some centuries ago King Bulan reigned over the Khazars. 
To him God appeared in a dream and promised him might 
and glory. Encouraged by this dream, Bulan went by the road 
of Darian to the country of Ardebil, where he gained great 
victories (over the Arabs). The Byzantine emperor and the 
calif of the Ishmaelites sent to him envoys with presents, and 
sages to convert him to their respective religions. Bulan 
invited also wise men of Israel, and proceeded to examine them 
all. As each of the champions believed his religion to be the 
best, Bulan separately questioned the Mohammedans and the 
Christians as to which of the other two religions they con- 
sidered the better. When both gave preference to that of the 
Jews, the king perceived that it must be the true religion. He 
therefore adopted it." 

The Jews of Europe were unquestionably in contact with the 
Khazar Jews and looked to this powerful war-like nation as the 
possible conqueror of Christendom. Messages that passed from 
the Khagans of the Khazars to princes of the Sanhedrin in Europe 
would necessarily have been carefully guarded. The many reports 
of Jewish dealings with the brutish hordes that constantly attacked 
the frontiers of Christian nations from the east have more sub- 
stance in fact than historical writers have been prone to confess. 
Jewish merchants had established well defined routes from Europe 
to the Khazar Kingdom before the ninth century. The Arab 
geographer Ibn Khurdadhbah (860-880) traces a route used by the 
Rahdanite Jewish merchants leading from Spain or France, through 
Germany, across the land of the Slavonians, to Atel (or Ityl), the 
capital of the Khazars. These Jewish merchants spoke Arabic, 
Persian, Greek, Spanish, French, and Slavonian, and "traveled 
continuously from west to east from east to west by sea and by 
land." They dealt in eunuchs, servingmaids, boys, silks, furs, 
swords, musk, aloes, camphor, cinnamon, and other products of 
the Far East. In his letter to the Jewish Khagan, Hasdi ibn 
Shaprut expressed his thankfulness "that God in His mercy had 
not deprived the Jews of a deliverer," but had preserved the rem- 
nant of the Jewish race. 

In the ninth and tenth centuries the Khazars extended their 


empire and brought more than twenty-five nations into their system 
of tributaries. Whenever the Khagans heard rumors of "Jewish 
persecutions in other countries," their "tolerance" of Moham- 
medans, Christians, and Russian pagans within their kingdom 
would "reach its limits." Writes the great Jewish historian Dub- 
now: "Thus on one occasion, about 921, on being informed that 
the Mohammedans had destroyed a synagogue somewhere in the 
land of Babunj, the Khagan gave orders to destroy the tower 
(mineret) of a certain mosque and to kill the muezzins (the heralds 
who call to prayer) explaining his attitude in these words: T 
should have destroyed the mosque itself, had I not feared that 
not a single synagogue would be left standing in the lands of 
the Mohammedans.' " 

Between 867 and 886 A. D. many Jews fled from Byzantium to 
the kingdom of the Khazars and integrated with them. Masudi, 
an Arabic writer, refers to this Jewish immigration: "The popu- 
lation of the Khazar capital consists of Moslems, Jews and pagans. 
The king, his court, and all members of the Khazar tribe profess 
the Jewish religion, which has been the dominant faith of the 
country since the time of Caliph Harun ar-Rashid. Many Jews 
who settled among the Khazars came from all the cities of the 
Moslems and the land of Rum (Byzantium), the reason being that 
the king of Rum persecuted the Jews of his empire in order to 
force them to adopt Christianity... In this way a large number 
of Jews left the land of Rum in order to depart to the Khazars." 
(954 A. D. — quoted by Dubnow. ) 

In his letter to Hasdai ibn Shaprut Khagan Joseph describes the 
Khazar kingdom. "The country up the river," he wrote, "is within 
a four months' journey to the Orient, settled by the following 
nations who pay tribute to the Khazars: Burtas, Bulgar, Suvar, 
Arissu, Tzarmis, Ventit, Syever, and Slaviyun. Thence the boun- 
dary-line runs to Buarasm as far as the Jordjan. All the inhabi- 
tants of the sea coast that live within a months' distance pay 
tribute to the Khazars. To the south Semender, Bak-Tadlu, and 
the gates of the Bab al-Abwab are situated on the seashore. Thence 
the boundary-line extends to the mountains of Azur, Bak-Bagda, 
Sridi, Klton, Arku, Shaula, Sagsar, Albusser, Ukusser, Kiadusser, 
Tzidlag, Zunikh, which are very high peaks, and to the Alans as 
far as the boundary of the Kassa, Kalkial, Taket, Gebul, and the 
Constantinian Sea. To the west, Sarkel, Samkrtz, Kertz, Sugdai, 
Aluss, Lambat, Bartnit, Alubika, Kut, Mankup, Budik, Alma, and 
Grusin — all these western localities are situated on the banks of 
the Constantinian (Black) Sea. Thence the boundary-line extends 


to the north, traversing the land of Basa, which is on the River 
Vaghez. Here on the plains live nomadic tribes, which extend to 
the frontiers of the Gagries, as innumerable as the sands of the 
sea; and they all pay tribute to the Khazars. The king of the 
Khazars himself has established his residence at the mouth of 
the river, in order to guard its entrance and to prevent the Rus- 
sians from reaching the Caspian Sea, and thus penetrating to the 
land of the Ishmaelites. In the same way the Khazars bar enemies 
from the gates of Bab al-Abwah." 

The Russian Slavonians of Kiev in the ninth century had to pay 
a yearly tax to the Khazars, consisting of a sword and the skin 
of a squirrel for each house. 


In the tenth century about five hundred Russian ships, each ship 
carrying about a hundred men, sought permission from the Khagan 
of the Khazars to pass down the Volga and through the Khazar 
kingdom for the purpose of looting the nations along the sea 
coast. The Khagan gave his consent on the Russians' promise that 
they would give him half of the plunder on their way back. When 
the Russians, returning from their raids, loaded with captives and 
booty, approached the Khazar kingdom, they sent messengers ahead 
with money and gifts to notify the Khagan of their return and 
to inform him that they were ready to divide their plunder with 
him as they had agreed. In spite of his promise of safe conduct 
the Khagan permitted an army of about 15, 000 Moslems to attack 
the unsuspecting Russians. The battle lasted three days. Many 
of the Russians were drowned. Five thousand who escaped the 
water were slaughtered by the Moslems and the Burtas. 


So it was that Russia and the South East of Europe acquired its 
Jewish population. As the centuries passed accretions came, as the 
wondering Jews intermarried with the Khazars. In their exodus 
from Russia in the 19th and 20th centuries they would be known 
as Russian Jews and would pass as direct descendants of Abraham. 
The Turkish-Finnish-Mongolian origin, however, would still dis- 
tinguish the Khazar Jew from the descendants of the Biblical Jew. 

Khagan Bulan was the Khazar king who accepted Judaism and 
imposed it upon his people. Obadiah, one of Bulan's descendants, 
was a particularly zealous adherent of Judaism. Many rabbis came 
to his country at his invitation to instruct the converted Khazars 
in the Torah and the Talmud. Bulan founded many synagogues 
throughout his domain. The successors of Bulan adopted Jewish 
Names. Obadiah, Hezekiah, Manasseh, Hanukka, Isaac, Zebulun, 
Moses (or Manasseh II), Nissi, Aaron, Menahem, Benjamin, Aaron 
(II), and Joseph, are the Khazar kings (after the adoption of 


Judaism) in the order of their reign, according to Khagan Joseph, 
who, as related by Dubnow, was the last king of the Khazars. 

rk rk rk rk rk rk 

Between 966 and 969 A. D. the Slavonian tribes under the leader- 
ship of Russian princes succeeded in throwing off the oppressive 
yoke of the Khazar Jews. The Slavonian armies invaded their 
territory and finally destroyed their stronghold at the mouth of 
the River Volga. Prince Svyatoslav of Kiev and his armies drove 
through the land to the Caspian region dispersing the Khazars 
in every direction. Many of them succeeded in reaching Khazar 
possessions on the Black Sea and established themselves on the 
Crimean Peninsula, which, for a long time thereafter, was known 
as Khazaria. 

The Russian princes were not quite so successful in their on- 
slaught on the Khazar kingdom in Tauris. It was able to stand 
for nearly fifty years before it fell to the Russians and Byzantines 
(1016 A. D. ). Some of the relatives of the last Khagan, according 
to Jewish tradition, fled to Spain, but the greater part of the 
Khazar population scattered throughout eastern Europe to be ulti- 
mately lost among the Jewish colonies in Poland and elsewhere. 
Many, of course, swelled the settlements on the Crimean Penin- 
sula. Kiev eventually became the center of Jewish immigration, 
the overwhelming portion of which were Khazar Jews from Kha- 
zaria and the Crimea. 

■k -k -k -k -k -k 

The ancient hatred of the Jews for the Christians was nourished 
and intensified by the Khazar Jews and their rabbis from the be- 
ginning of their conversion to Judaism. This hatred, of course, was 
directed also against the Moslem. Until the Khazar empire was 
overthrown in the eleventh century the Khazar Jew came into but 
infrequent intercourse with the Christians. What contact they had 
had was in the crash and roar of invasion; the momentary flash of 
recognition before the thrust of sword or the crunch of battle-ax; 
a fleeting glimpse of the despised cross on a monastery or a church 
as it toppled in the flames of their kindling or tumbled into the 
rubble under the hammering of their war-engines. Some of the 
Khazar envoys had personal knowledge of the Christians. And 
they despised them the more for having met them in their own 
countries. The rabbis believed they were justified in their hatred 
of these people. Certainly they were cattle, fit only to serve the 
chosen people of Jehovah; smiling cowards who paid the Khagan 
the staggering tributes demanded so that they might save their 
miserable hides from the wrath of the children of Abraham. 

Christianity came to Russia at about the same time the Russian 
princes crushed the Khazar empire. That the Russians bore a 
deep hatred toward their former oppressors is understandable. 


Their conversion to Christianity did little to mitigate the ill-feeling. 
And the Khazar Jews, having hated Christians since their conver- 
sion to Judaism on general principles, now hated their conquerors 
with particular intensity. To have been conquered by the despised 
followers of Jesus, was a cup almost too bitter to swallow. The 
rabbis had heretofore taught hatred of Christians in general; now 
as a conquered and scattered people the rabbis taught hatred of 
Christian Russians in particular. Some day the Khazar Jew would 
rise again and reconquer Russia; some day the Russian dogs would 
grovel at their feet and serve their purpose. There would be no 
rest, no respite from toil and intrigue, until Russia paid in blood 
and wealth; yes, and in degredation and slavery, for having stood 
against the converted hordes of the Chosen People. And before 
the strongholds of Kiev, Moscow and the northern kingdoms were 
crushed and again in Khazar hands, the cross and the icons, the 
saints and the churches — yea, even Christ Himself — must be top- 
pled from their places in the land and the hearts of men. 

The destruction of the ruthless Khazar empire by the Russian 
princes and the scattering of its people was a severe blow to 
Jewish influence in the East. Many of the leaders and rabbis in 
European Jewish communities, not being aware of the eighth cen- 
tury conversion of their mongolian brethren, believed that this 
mighty scourge of Christian and Moslem was descendant of the 
lost Jewish kingdom. Hasdai Ibn Shaprut, the Cordova Caliphate 
in Spain, having learned of the Khazar Kingdom through the 
Persian and Byzantine ambassadors, entered into correspondence 
with Khagan Joseph (955 A. D. ) and planned a mass migration of 
Spanish Jews to the Khazar Kingdom. But the Khazar dynasty 
was already tottering under the ever strengthening blows of Sla- 
vonian armies, and the Caliphate's plans to swell the eastern 
empire died aborning. 

The blow did not prove fatal. The Khazars, now fully endowed 
with the characteristics of the chosen people, drew closer together 
in the Jewish communities of Poland, the Crimea, Kiev and Tauris. 
Every male Khazar wore the token of Jehovah's Covenant with 
Abraham; the ever-present reminder that Israel must eventually 
establish its rule over the entire world. The Covenant was not 
only indelibly seared into their minds, it was everlasting by a 
seal and a scar in their flesh. While the Christian mouthed idiotic 
doctrines of the kingdom to come, and the immortality of his mis- 
erable soul, the sons of Abraham were assured of the immortality 
of Israel and its ultimate conquest of the existing world. The 
Khazar Jew would know how to set Christian against Christian 
so that in the end they must destroy themselves. Slowly and 
surely, under the relentless dialectic blows of Talmudian scholars, 


the vaunted citadels of Christianity would erode and crumble. The 

sons of the covenant would find the means to topple Christian 

kings from their thrones, the despised crosses from the churches, 

yes, even the Christian God, His Son, the Holy Ghost and the 

hierarchy of angels from the Christian heavens. For, had it not 

been said by Jehovah that the nation and kingdom that will not 

serve Israel shall perish; yea, those nations shall be utterly wasted 

. . . . ? The deadly wound would be healed, and the entire world 

would wonder and bow in admiration. 


When the Crusades were over there came a great migration of 
Jews from Germany to Poland and Kiev. The intermarriage of 
these German-speaking Jews gave impetus and direction to the 
development of the Yiddish jargon spoken by the Khazars. In 
addition the German-Jews supplied the Khazars with rabbinical 
instruction in the Talmud. The minute reasoning, hair-splitting 
dialectic logic of the Talmudian authors stimulated the Khazar 
mind and opened up visions of conquest far greater than the bloody 
triumphs won by his Turkish-Mongolian forebears. 

The conquest of the Crimea in the 13th century scattered the 
Khazar Jews further throughout the territory that would some 
day be a part of the Russian Empire. The capture of Constan- 
tinople by the Turks had a similar and continuing effect. Khazar- 
Jewish influence was extended for a time to Moscow after Turkish 
sovereignty was established over Chimea (1475-1783 A. D. ). Khoza 
Kokos, a Jew of Kaffa, became an agent of the Muscovite Prince 
(1484-1500 A. D. ). A Jew by the name of Zechariah (Skharia) 
from Kiev succeeded in converting several representatives of the 
Christian Clergy to Judaism. One Carp Strigolnik founded a sect 
called the "Strigolniki", the members of which abrogated church 
rites and denied the divinity of Christ. Two priests, Dionis and 
Alexius, leaders of the Novgorod apostates, went to Moscow in 
1480 A. D. and converted a number of Greek Orthodox Christians 
there. Many of these converts submitted to the rite of circum- 
cision. Converts were made among the nobility of Moscow and in 
court circles. The daughter-in-law of the Grand Duke, Helena, is 
said to have been among the smpathizers of the Jews and the 

Thus the Khazar Jews struck back at their conquerors. 

By decision of the Church council of 1504 A. D., backed by the 
support of Ivan III, the principal apostates were burned at the 
stake and the others imprisonsed or exiled to monasteries. 

It is believed that Zechariah (Skharia) and his followers were 
Cabalistic Jews. The fact that the Russians looked upon them 
with great fear and considered them "adepts of black art" and in 


"black magicians" indicates their Cabalistic character. These first 
contacts with the Khazar Jews left a deep impression on the Mus- 
covites and the Russian generations that followed. They would 
long bear the mental scars of their cruel oppression under the iron 
yoke of the Khazars, even though the events and incidents of its 
horror were forgotten in the mists of history. Instinctively the 
Russian would seek to shield himself from these sinister people. 
In the end he must fail and again fall under their yoke. So it 
had been written, and so it must be. 

The western Jews continued to increase the Khazar population 
in Poland, and ultimately produced the Polish Jew. By the end 
of the fourteenth century Jewish colonies were established in 
Lithuania, particularly at Brest, Grodno, Troki, Lutzk and Vladimir. 
In 1495 they were expelled from Lithuania, and most of them 
settled in Poland, swelling the already teeming Jewish colonies 
there. In 1501 they were permitted to return to Lithuania. The 
Lithuanians had captured Kiev in 1320 and this teeming center 
of Khazars had remained part of the Polish Empire (through the 
union of Lithuania and Poland) until 1654, when, together with the 
province of Little Russia, it was ceded to Moscovy. 

The Cossack uprising against Poland further scattered the Jews. 
The peace treaty of August, 1649, between King John Casimir and 
Khmelnitzki, the leader of the rebellious Cossacks, contained a 
clause forbidding the residence of Jews in that portion of the 
Ukraine inhabited by Cossacks, the regions of Chermigor, Pol- 
tava, Kiev, and part of Podolia. As a result of this clause, the 
Khazar Jew, now more thoroughly interbred with the Semite blood 
of the western Jews, became more densely settled in Poland proper. 
The Treaty of Byelaya Tzerkov in 1651 restored the rights of the 
Jews to live in the Greek Orthodox portion of the Ukraine. As a 
result of this treaty, the Cossacks and Greek Orthodox Ukrainians 
again rebelled. Bogdan Khmelnitzki, in alliance with the Russian 
Czar Alexis Michaelovich, incorporated the Greek Orthodox portion 
of the Ukrania into an autonomous province under the name of 
Little Russia, into the Muscovite Empire. 

In 1654 the Russian armies waged war on Poland. The Swedish 
invasion (1654-1658) brought a large part of Great and Little 
Poland into the hands of the Swedes. The Jews betrayed Poland 
to the invaders (as, indeed, did some of the Poles) and, as the 
Swedes retreated, the Jews were attacked by indignant patriotic 


Poland was first partitioned in 1772. Russia, Austria and Prussia 


absorbed the border provinces. To Russia went the southwestern 
border province, the greater part of White Russia and the prov- 
inces of Vitebsk and Moghilev. As a result of this partition the 
center of Jewish settlement shifted to Russia. 

The memory of the Khazar Jewish oppression lingered in the 
consciousness of the Russian people. The "judaizing heresy", the 
dark, sinister, clandestine people in their strange costumes; "black 
magicians", cabalistic mystery — all these things and more, at the 
beginning of the sixteenth century — made the Russians fearful 
and suspicious of these strange aliens who would neither become 
Russians nor assimilate into Russian life and custom. The Jews, 
on the other hand, finding themselves suddenly under the sover- 
eignty of a people they had once conquered and oppressed, despised 
and exploited, smouldered with hatred and frustration against the 
Czar and particularly against the Greek Catholic Orthodox Church 
which had brought Christianity to the land. Although they equally 
despised the Christianity of Poland and had betrayed that adopted 
land when opportunity offered, they now added Polish patriotism 
to the Jewish-Khazar hatred of the Russians. Holy Russia was 
barred to them. The Russian government, ever fearful of them, 
confined them to the annexed territories. 

In 1526 the Ambassador of the Muscovite Grand Duke, Basil III, 
at Rome observed to the Italian scholar Paolo Giovio: "The Musco- 
vite people dread no one more than the Jews, and do not admit 
them into their borders." 

When Little Russia was annexed to the Empire by Czar Alex 

Michaelovich in 1654 the Muscovite people had their first contact 

with large masses of Jews. They were not favorably impressed 

by the experience. 


In 1793 came the second partition of Poland. Russia received 
Volhynia with part of the province of Kiev, Podolia, and the region 
of Minsk, heavily populated with the descendants of the Khazar 
Jews. Minsk was to be the birthplace of Russia's Communist 
Party — and the Khazar Jews would officiate as midwives. 

The third partition of Poland came in 1795. Russia received the 
dense Jewish masses of Lithuania and the provinces of Vilna and 
Grodno. The quarantine which Russia had established for the 
Jews was broken through in 1772 by the first partition of Poland. 
The second and third partitions brought hundreds of thousands 
of Jews from Lithuania, Volhynia and Podolia under the Czar. 
Thus is was that Russia, which a generation before had not tol- 
erated a single Jew within its borders, now found itself possessed 
of a territory more densely populated by Jews than any other 
country in the world. The old laws of exclusion of the Jews from 


Holy Russia proper were extended to the annexed territories, and 
thus was created the so-called Pale of Settlement of the Russian 
Empire. Although the organized Jews of the world would make 
much of this alleged Ghetto, the effect of the Russian law — older 
than the parititions of Poland — was to confine the Jews to the same 
territories they had occupied under the Polish regimes. 

The descendants of the conquering Khazars had come home to 


The term Ashkenazim refers to the Jews of Germany. The 
term Sephardim refers to the Jews of Spain and Portugal. The 
Jews of Poland, Lithuania and Russia are generally referred to 
as Ashkenazic by Jewish and most Gentile historians and writers, 
because of the general reluctance to recognize the compartively 
late origin of the Khazar Jew. As a claimant to the covenant with 
Abraham the Khazar Jew's title is clouded. He can trace his an- 
cestry to the Biblical Jews only through inter-marriage with the 
Ashkenazim. On the other side of his lineage are the Turks, the 
Mongols, and the Huns. It should be noted, however, that the 
Khazar is no less a Jew because of his origin. As a matter of fact 
the Khazar Jew, as he makes his appearance in the Western World, 
is more Jewish than his Sephardic and Ashkenazic brethren. Had 
his savage ancestors not been converted to Judaism, the nineteenth 
and twentieth centuries might have traced an entirely different, 
and more satisfactory, historical course. 

The Jew is but one of an ethnic group known as the Semite — 
and a very small part at that. The Semite originally was one of a 
people believed to be descended from Shem, a son of Noah. The 
modern use of the term includes the Arabs, the Akkadians of an- 
cient Babylonia, the Assyrians, the Canaanites (including Amor- 
ites, Moabites, Edomites, Ammonites and Phoenicians), the various 
Aramaen tribes (including Hebrews), and a considerable portion 
of the population of Ethiopia. This classification is made on the 
basis of related languages deriving presumably from a common 
tongue, similarities in physical characteristics, aspects of culture, 
and other such evidence. It generally is believed that the original 
home of the Semites was Arabia. From there they spread in suc- 
cessive migrations to Mesopotamia, the eastern Mediterranean sea 
coasts, and the delta of the Nile. The tribes were gradually mixed 
throughout the centuries, at first with non-Semitic peoples, and 
later with new waves of Semites sweeping out of Arabia. 

In Mesopotamia the Semites came into contact with the Sumerian 
civilization. The rise of Sargon of Agade and Hammurabi of Baby- 
lon saw these Semites in a dominant position. The Semitic popula- 
tion of Phoenicia developed a widespread maritime trade and may 
be said to have become the first sea-faring people. The Semites 


who had filtered through Sinai into the Nile delta settled with 

other Semitic people in Palestine, and became the Hebrews. 


There is no such thing as a "pure-blooded" Jew, any more than 
there is a "pure-blooded" Irishman or Spaniard. The emphasis on 
the "seed of Abraham" and the "chosen people" myth, however, 
has resulted in a greater discipline in marriage among the Jews 
than among the people of any other nation. The issue of the com- 
paratively few Jewish-Gentile marriages ultimately disappears 
among the Gentiles, so that the remnant of the Jewish nation 
remains intact. Such marriages are vigorously condemned by the 
Jews and only occur where the Jew has broken the mental chains 
that bind him to the ghetto of the Jewish community. And these 
chains are not to be broken if the Jew in question was raised in 

the stifling straight-jacket of Judaism, 


In spite of the strenuous efforts of Jewish historians and their 
Gentile apologists, there is no evidence that the Jews believed in 
a universal God. In the beginning Jehovah was the greatest 
God of all, because He was Israel's God. It was not until the event 
of Christianity with its offer of salvation to all the nations of the 
world, that the Jews attempted a retroactive belief in one God. 
This belief superseded the idea of other tribal gods. Only Israel 
had a God. The belief was hedged about with the particularism 
of Israel and the "chosen people" myth. Jehovah remained Abra- 
ham's tribal deity, and, to the Jew, Jehovah was greater than all 
the pagan gods combined. The Jew merely deprived the Gentiles 
of any god of any kind. That Jehovah would share His mercy and 
blessings with any people other than the Jews was, to the Jew, 
an unthinkable blasphemy. The "One God" with whom Abraham 
made the Covenant was the "One God" of Israel; and that Cove- 
nant — that B'rith — is symbolically renewed by every Jewish male. 
"Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is One!" The central affirmation 
of the Oneness and uniqueness of the God of Israel — His Oneness 
with His particular and peculiar people — with its promise of world 
domination, this may be said to be the hard core of Jewishness. 
When a Jew ceases to practice this affirmation he has no further 
reason for existence as a Jew. To the Jews he may be alive bio- 
logically but his soul is dead. He has despaired not only of him- 
self but also of his people. He is lost to himself and Judaism. 

Jews are the Perushim, the separated ones. They look at Gentile 
society and its forces objectively, from without. While seeming to 
be a part of the Gentile world within which they live and have 
their being, they are in fact — and they are amazingly conscious of 
that fact — not at all concerned with it, except as it is of use to 
them. The fate of the Gentile world — its hopes, desires and its 


dreams — are of no significance. True, its upheavals have caught 
his people in its turmoil in the past and they have been tossed 
from pillar to post, but they have always survived. Only the Jew 
possesses the Law of redemption. He dares not forget that Law 
and dares not merge with any pagan or Christian society; to be- 
come a part of such society is to die spiritually. Being a Jew 
consciously, absorbedly, affirmatively, and continually, is an exis- 
tential problem. He is separate from other people. It is a con- 
scious separateness; a steel-willed determination to remain separate. 
It is a separateness that is inherent in Jewish destiny. Without it 
there is no meaning in life. If the Jew is to dominate the world 
through the Covenant he must daily renew his dedication to his 
Jewishness. His part in history is determined. If he attempts to 
abandon it his conscience condemns him before his fellow Jews 
have the opportunity. To the Jew this is not a mere matter of a 
loyalty; it is the loyalty — the only loyalty. Moreover, it partakes 
of the law of self-preservation, which, to the Jew, is race or nation 
preservation. Isms, reforms, new social techniques — these, and 
politics in general — are for the Gentiles. The Jew must remember 
that Gentile society and Gentile governments are still Gentile. In 
their boastfulness they would say that they gave the world Chris- 
tianity — that they gave the world Islam — and that both faiths have 
abandoned the Jewish elements that made them living religions! 
Halacha — the Way — the Jewish Way, is a way of separateness from 
the ways of the Pagans — the Christians. Halacha is a life within 
the historical community of eternal Israel. 

Because the Jew is capable of holding himself separate from the 
Christian society in which he works and lives, and because of his 
objective view of that society, he believes that not only is he justi- 
fied in using it for his own purposes, he believes that it is his 
duty. His objectivity is akin to that of a scientist who observes 
a germ world through his microscope. His concern for the strange 
wriggling specks of life beneath his glass — if, indeed, he has any 
concern at all — is strictly academic. The Jew looks upon Chris- 
tianity and Islam as Pagan. Hebrew morality is exclusively a 
system of morals to be practiced between Jews. Even the Ten 
Commandments have no application to relations between Jew and 
non-Jew. It follows, therefore, that what a Jew might not in good 
conscience do in his relation with another Jew, he may do with a 
clear conscience in his relations with the Goyim. Moreover, the 
fulfillment of the Covenant is for the Gentiles best interest; in fact 
it is the Gentile's only salvation! The world can be redeemed only 
through Israel! 

Men, generally, are governed by a sense of self-interest. The 
weaknesses of human nature are well known, and the Jews, in 


their commerce with Gentiles — in trade or government — know 
those weaknesses too well. It is their duty to use those weaknesses 
in furtherance of Israel's mission. 

The Jews have their own Law — and it is never the law of the 
Gentile lands in which they live. This law is always above and 
superior to the law of the countries of their sojourn. They have 
no scruples in breaking Gentile law so long as in doing so they do 
not violate Jewish Law. In Rome they lived by their own Law 
with Caesar's permission. Consequently there is nothing immoral 
or wrong in the violation of Gentile law. Where Jewish aims come 
in conflict with the laws of the land in which they reside, Jewish 
objectives must be first served. 

The so-sailed "freedoms" of the Gentiles are myths to the Jew. 
While he deals in these terms in his political maneuverings for 
Jewish purposes, he has no concern with them. "Freedom" is 
merely an idea to be used in a "selling" campaign. Like good 
slogans in merchandising, "freedom" is sure-fire bait when dealing 
with the goyim masses. In weakening existing power the use of 
such terms as "freedom", "liberalism" and "democracy" are im- 
portant catch-phrases. This Gentile world is infected with these 
ideas, and their use either causes the Gentiles to compromise or 
ultimately to be overthrown. The more the Pagans compromise 
the sooner the fulfillment of the Covenant. 

Two methods for the control of nations are now firmly estab- 
lished by history. The first is the liberal use of wealth, and the 
second is the exercise of sheer terror. An ingenious use of both 
might bring the entire world to its knees. It makes little difference, 
as the pages of history are turned, whether nations go down under 
the blows of a foreign enemy, or collapse as the result of an 
internal explosion. War is not, in any modern sense, a gallant 
adventure. It is not confined to the movements of armies and the 
bombing of cities. Cunning, stealth, deceit and dishonesty are 
weapons of greater effectiveness than atom bombs, and their suc- 
cessful use is the stuff of which victories are made. 

In pursuit of its glorious destiny Israel is at war with the Gentile 
world. It is not an undeclared war merely because there has not 
been a recent proclamation. The gauntlet was hurled down two 
thousand years ago, and the battles that have been fought through 
the centuries have been but mere skirmishes. New weapons, new 
skills, new methods — these are the products of the ages. The de- 
velopment of wealth on the one hand has corroded the integrity 
and power of Caesar, while the rise of terror on the other has sent 
thrones sprawling into the dust. Holy things have been corrupted 
and things sacred defiled. The vices of mankind have been ex- 
ploited and made to pay fabulous dividends. From the Opium 
Wars of the Sassoons to the rape of South Africa for the Roth- 


schilds, human blood has counted for little and gold has been the 
objective. The Jewish war continues and Christendom is again 
losing every battle. 

There is no relationship between morals and politics, any more 
than there is between morals and war. Not that it is right that 
it should be this way; it just happens to be a fact in a coldly calcu- 
lating world. Statesmanship, frankness and honesty, are terrific 
handicaps in the character of today's politician. Should such an 
ill-equipped candidate succeed in gaining public office and persist 
in clinging to these outmoded follies, he would only last until next 
election — if not recalled in the meantime. The people are not 
much interested in these virtues. They dislike and resent the truth 
if it interferes with their fancies, and they are repelled by the 
unpleasant facts of life. The masses of people are moved by pas- 
sion, emotion, self-interest and sheer greed, and the propagandists 
know it. Logic and reason, practical consideration, and plain facts 
find no response in such a market. 

Behind the rapidly moving scene of international politics stands 
the Jew in all his separateness; objective, unimpassioned. The 
crash and fall of nations, the tottering crosses of Christianity, the 
sullen advance of godless communism — all these tragedies are 
gigantic steps on the road to Israel's destiny. It has so long been 
prepared; so long, so well prepared. And every Jew knows his part, 
merely because he is a Jew. He is seen on every hand as he man- 
ipulates the strings that make his Gentile puppets dance, yet he 
remains invisible. This invisibility is the strangest phenomenon 
the world has ever known. Although he is always clearly in sight 
there are but few who dare acknowledge what their eyes perceive. 
Others who also see dare not speak lest they be ridiculed by the 
blind. When all acknowledge that they see what their eyes pro- 
claim it may be too late to appraise the view. 

Masses of people lack the capacity to understand great issues 
because they are moved collectively toward composite objectives by 
an emotional urge. What, under the stress of excitement and 
hysteria, appears to be the "general welfare", often turns out to 
be disaster when experienced individually. There is no reason in 
a mob. A bright uniform, a red flag, a slogan — these are the 
sparks that move masses of people toward revolution and acts of 
violence. The deep theories of the secluded study are worthless 
without the phycological catchphrases that launch the theories 
into action. The catchphrases — and the slogans — must bear no re- 
lation to calm or considered judgment. They must be couched 
in terms of need, greed, prejudice, and hate. Once the mob is in 
action it is difficult to stop, and its savagery is increased by its 


own brutality. Thus, planned revolution contemplates traps for 
the revolutionaries, lest they also destroy their mentors. 

These are the known factors of human behavior; these are the 
triggers of power. 

Those who would rule the world in the twentieth century must 
possess great wealth and be capable of colossal deceit. The pre- 
tended welfare of people must be the announced objective, even 
though the means to that goal end necessarily in disaster. If the 
true objective is destruction — even with the best of intentions for 
the building of a finer world — then the means by which the pre- 
tended betterment is to be accomplished matters little. Nothing 
so intrigues the "have-nots" as the confiscation of the property of 
those who have for the benefit of the "have-nots". The politician 
who can promise to "sock the rich" is always the hero of the 

Liberty, Equality, Fraternity! What blood has stained the bar- 
ricades in response to this senseless cry! Few who thrilled to these 
abstractions could explain their meanings, and then, only in vaguely 
defined futher abstractions, "Liberty" to most meant anarchy; 
"Equality" meant a leveling process to the least common denom- 
inator, and "fraternity" signified some sort of brotherhood that 
excluded a fatherhead and the better part of mankind. 

The Sephardic and Ashkenasic Jews were destined to control the 
money markets of the world, and hence the venal men of the 
nations of the world. These Jews would provide the intellectual 
doctrines that must weaken the citadels of Christianity and destroy 
the foundations of governments. The hordes of Khazar Jews would 
become the revolutionary leaders of the world. They would even- 
tually sweep out of Russia by the millions for the conquest of 
Western Christendom. Nation would be pitted against nation, 
class against class, and race against race. World wars would be 
fought and the red flag of communism would fly over the ruins in 
the shadows of the vultures. Palestine would be conquered and 
the ancient seat of Jewish power re-established. A bleeding and 
frightened world would huddle together under the lash of the 
atomic age, and tremble in the shadow of the hammer and sickle. 
Gradually a world government must emerge with the masters of 
the world planted securely in the driver's seat. And the Beast 
will cause "all, both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond, 

to receive a mark in their right hand, or in their foreheads." 

Wilhelm Marr, who played an important role in the preparation 
of the revolution of 1848 wrote of the coming Jewish conquest of 
the world. "The epitome of the degradation of humanity," he 


declared, "is the so-called religion called Christianity." In 1879 
his Conquest of Germanism By Judaism made its appearance. 
"The advent of Jewish Imperialism, I am firmly convinced," he 
wrote, "is only a question of time... The Empire of the world 
belongs to the Jews... Val Victis! Woe to the conquered!... 
I do not pretend to be a prophet, but I am quite certain that before 
four generations have passed, there will not be a single function 
in the State, the highest included, which will not be in the hands 
of the Jews... To judge by the course of events, the capitulation 
of Russia is only a question of time... In that vast Empire... 
Judaism will find the fulcrum of Archimedes which will enable it 
to drag the whole of Western Europe off its hinges once for all. 
The wily Jewish spirit of intrigue will bring about a revolution 
in Russia such as the world has never seen... When the Jews 
shall get control of the Russian State... they will set about the 
destruction of the social organization of Western Europe. This last 
hour of Europe will arrive at least in a hundred or a hundred 
and fifty years... What Russia has to expect from the Jews is 
quite clear." 


On July 1, 1922, a Czech deputy by the name of Mazanac, in a 
speech before the Czech Parliament, read a translation of a cir- 
cular written in Hebrew which had been taken from the pocket 
of an individual named Zunder on the night of December 9, 1920, 
after a skirmish with Bolshevik troops on the Estonian frontier. 
Zunder was the officer in command of the 11th Regiment of Sharp- 
shooters. (Mazanac's speech appeared in No. 375 of the Russian 
paper Novol Vremia, edited at Belgrade and dated July 28, 1922. 
The document read by Mazanac is similar to a handbill distributed 
among the Jews in Budapest in 1919. A translation of the text, 
as it is found in Dr. Hans Eisele's book, "Bilder aus dem Kommu- 
nistichen Ungarn," published in 1920 by the publishing firm 
"Tyrolia" of Innsbruck, is given in "The Rulers of Russia", third 
edition, page 52. ) 

The document follows: 

"Sons of Israel! The hour of victory is at hand. We are on 
the eve of becoming masters of the world. What seemed to 
be merely a dream is on the point of being realized. Formerly 
weak and feeble we can now proudly lift up our heads, thanks, 
to the disorder and confusion of the world. By clever propa- 
ganda we have held up to criticism and ridicule the authority 
and practice of a religion which is foreign to us. We have 
plundered the sanctuaries of that foreign cult, and we have 
shaken the hold of their traditional culture upon nations, find- 
ing among them more helpers than we needed in our task. We 
have succeeded in bringing the Russian Nation under Jewish 


sway and we have compelled it, at last, to fall on its knees 
before us. Russia, mortally wounded, is now at our mercy. 

"The fear of the danger in which we stand will not allow 
us either to exercise compassion or to feel mercy. At last, it 
has been given to us to behold the tears of the Russian people. 
By taking away from them wealth and their gold, we have 
turned the Russians into wretched slaves. But we must be 
prudent and circumspect. We have to eliminate all the best 
elements of Russian society, in order that the enslaved Russians 
may have no leaders. Thus we shall forestall every possibility 
of resisting our might. Wars and civil strife will destroy all the 
treasures of culture created by the Christian peoples. 

"Be prudent, Sons of Israel. Do not confide in treacherous 
and mysterious forces. Bronstein, Rosenfeld, Steinberg, Apfel- 
baum, and many other faithful sons of Israel are in the ranks 
of the Commissars and play the leading roles, but do not 
lose your heads over the victory. Be prudent, for you can rely 
only on yourselves to safeguard you and defend you. Sons of 
Israel, close up your ranks and combat for your eternal ideal." 



THE Grand Duke of Moscow, Ivan III (1462-1505) abolished the 
feudal system and established the first centralized government 
in Russia. The political and religious controversies of his day pro- 
duced a fertile soil for the Judaizing sect. In 1470 Michael Olel- 
kovich, brother of the viceroy of Kiev, responding to the call of 
the people of Novgorod in their struggle with Moscow, utilized the 
services of the Jew Skhariyah in the venture. Meanwhile many 
of the influential men close to Duke Ivan became impressed with 
Judaism, and, the Duke himself, looked upon it with favor. 
It was Skhariyah who converted the priest Dionis to the Jewish 
faith. For this reason — and probably for political reasons as well 
— the Duke made no effort to stop the Jewish efforts to convert 
the Christians. He was engaged in strengthening his influence 
in Lithuania with the assistance of Michael Olelkovich and Skhar- 
iyah, and probably had pledges of Jewish support. It therefore 
was with considerable reluctance that he finally yielded to the 
appeal of the Bishop of Novgorod and the Metropolitan of Moscow 
to suppress the Judaizing movement and punish the offenders. It 
is believed by some that there was a connection between the 
expulsion of the Jews from Lithuania by Alexander in 1495 and 
Ivan's attitude toward the Judaizing heresy. The Jews were re- 
admitted in 1503, but effective measures against them were not 
taken until 1504. It appears established that Ivan corresponded 
with Khoza Kokos, and that he sought this Jew's influence with 
the Crimean Khan, Mengli-Girei, in his efforts to secure a formal 

Jewish merchants of Poland and Lithuania traveled to the border 
city of Smolensk in Russia from time to time, but were forbidden 
to establish permanent residence there. Occasionally they carried 
their merchandise into Moscow. In 1545 they sent certain goods 
from Brest-Litovsk to Moscow, where it was promptly burned. 
King Sigismund Augustus of Poland, acting on Jewish persuasion, 
addressed a "charter" to Czar Ivan IV in 1550, demanding the 
admission of Jews into Russia for business purposes in conform- 
ance with former commercial treaties. Ivan IV rejected the de- 
mand. "It is not convenient," he stated, "to allow Jews to come 
with their goods to Russia, since many evils result from them. 
For they import poisonous herbs into our realm, and lead astray 
the Russians from Christianity. Therefore he, the (Polish) king, 
should no more write about these Jews." In spite of this determ- 



ination of the Czar, the Jews of Poland and Lithuania managed 
to find their way to Moscow and carried on their trade illegally. 
By 1610 many Jews had managed to smuggle themselves into 
Russia. Captive Jews (prisoners of war) were permitted to remain 
in Moscovy by the terms of the Peace of Andrusovo (1667) between 
Russia and Poland. With the connivance and aid of "legal" Jews 
in Russia, "illegal" Jews from Lithuania and White Russia were 
enabled to escape the vigilance of the Russians and make their way 
into Moscow. 

Peter the Great's change of heart toward "foreigners" did not 
include the Jews. During his sojourn in Holland he was petitioned 
by the Jews of that country through the burgomaster Witsen to 
permit the Jews to enter Russia (1698). The Czar listened atten- 
tively and politely to the argument and, when the burgomaster 
had concluded, he replied: "My dear Witsen, you know the Jews, 
and you know their character and habits; you also know the Rus- 
sians. I know both, and believe me, the time has not come to 
unite the two nationalities." 

Solovyov, the Russian historian, states that when Czar Peter 
invited skilled foreigners from all over the world to settle in 
Russia he made a permanent exception of the Jews. "I prefer," he 
declared, "to see in our midst nations professing Mohammedanism 
and paganism rather than Jews. They are rogues and cheats. It 
is my endeavor to eradicate evil and not to multiply it. They 
shall not be allowed either to live or to trade in Russia, whatever 
efforts they may make, and however much they may try to bribe 
those near me." In spite of his determination, however, Peter 
permitted certain Jewish financiers and their agents to enter his 
new capitol, St. Petersburg. Among these was the "court Jew", 
Lipman Levy, a banker from Courland. He attained great prom- 
inence and influence under Peter's successors. 

Napoleon took the province of Great Poland in 1808 and con- 
verted it into the Duchy of Warsaw under the rule of the Saxon 
King, Frederick Augustus III. In 1809, after he had crushed 
Austria, Napoleon annexed a portion of the conquered territory 
to the Duchy of Warsaw. He had disbanded the Great Sanhedrin 
on March 17, 1808, and his attitude toward the Jews had altered 
considerably. His policy toward them was reflected in decisions 
made concerning them in the Duchy of Warsaw. The Jews had 
petitioned the government for "civil rights", which were denied. 
The report submitted to Duke Frederick Augustus stated that the 
Jewish people "cherished a national spirit alien to the country." 
It was held that "a somber future would be in store for the Duchy 
if the Israelitish nation, which is to be found here in vast numbers, 
were suddenly to be allowed to enjoy civil rights." In January 


of 1809 the Jews addressed another petition to the Minister of 
Justice Lubenski, which was also denied. The Minister stated that 
constitutional equality before the law did not make a man a 
citizen, for only those could claim citizenship who were loyal to 
the sovereign and who looked upon the country as their only 
fatherland. "Can those," asked the Minister, "who profess the 
laws of Moses look upon this country as their fatherland? Do 
they not wish to return to the land of their fathers? . . . Do they 
not regard themselves as a separate nation?" Another report 
the Duke declared that the Jews had brought upon themselves the 
curtailment of their rights by their "dishonest pursuits" and by 
"their mode of life, subversive of the welfare of society." 

A A A A A A 

The Karaites, a Jewish sect, are distinguished from the rabbinate 
Jews by the fact that they follow the Bible and spurn rabbinical 
(Talmud) traditions and laws. To some extent they follow the 
Sadduces and the Essenes, and take some of their religious orien- 
tation from the Mohammedans. The orthodox Jews attacked and 
persecuted the Karaites viciously whenever they had the oppor- 
tunity. At one time it appeared that Karaism would overwhelm 
the Talmudists, but the threat was averted by Saadia al-Fayyumi 
(892-942). The Karaites claim that they have never been Talmud- 
ists, and that their religion is older than the Jewish faith. More- 
over, they contend that the Karaites had no part in persecuting 
and crucifying Jesus. 

Because of the social virtues manifested by the Karaites, Count 
Zubov, the Governor-General of New Russia, interceded on their 
behalf and was successful in having them released by the govern- 
ment of Tavrida from the double tax paid by the other Jews. They 
were granted permission to own estates, and, in general, given 
equal rights with the Christian population. These privileges were 
granted on the understanding "that the community of Karaites 
should not be entered by the Jews known by the name of Rabins 
(Rabbinates), concerning whom the laws enacted by us are to be 
rigidly enforced." (Ukase of June 8, 1795.) The Russians accepted 
them and they apparently lived together in peace and harmony. 
They were granted full civil rights in 1863, which was confirmed 

in 1881 by Nicholai Ignatieff with special emphasis. 

At the turn of the nineteenth century the Russian Government 
was bombarded with complaints against Jews engaged in the 
traffic of alcoholic beverages in the Pale of Settlement. The clamor 
was so insistent that the Government ultimately launched a series 
of investigations. A statute to establish the rights and limitation 
of the Jews was enacted in 1804. It provided that beginning Jan- 
uary 1, 1807 in the Governments of Astrakhan and Caucasia, Little 


Russia and New Russia, and beginning January 1, 1808, in the other 
Governments, "no one among the Jews in any village or hamlet 
shall be permitted to hold any leases on land, to keep taverns, 
saloons, or inns, whether under his own name or under a strange 
name, or to sell wine in them, or even to live in them under any 
pretext whatever, except when passing through." 

The statute, of course, sought to put an end to the abuse of 
the Jewish liquor trade, and, by its other provisions, attempted 
to direct Jewish energies into agriculture. Unoccupied land was 
opened to them throughout the western Governments, and in two 
eastern Governments, in addition to the right to settle on crown 
lands. As a further inducement those who availed themselves of 
the opportunities thus offered, were given an exemption of all 
taxes for the first years. Schools, gymnasiums, and universities 
were thrown open to them throughout the Empire, in addition to 
the right to open their own schools. One of three languages — 
Russian, Polish, or German, was made compulsory. The mode of 
dress of either Poland, Germany or Russia was required. 

The statute did not arouse any great enthusiasm among the Jews 
in the Pale of Settlement. Napoleon's Paris Sanhedrin had, of 
course, created great agitation among the Jews everywhere, but 
the Russian Jews were particularly aroused. Most of the Gov- 
ernments of Europe suspected that Napoleon was using the San- 
hedrin for the purpose of creating a rebellion of the Jews in their 
several countries, and this suspicion was especially strong in 
Russia. Because of this feeling the effective date of the Act of 
1804 was postponed in the beginning of 1807, but in October of 
1807 the Czar ordered it put into effect. The program had to be 
abandoned, however, when Napoleon invaded Russia in 1812. 

The Vienna Congress of 1815 enlarged the borders of European 

Russia by the addition of the former Duchy of Warsaw, which was 

renamed the Kingdom of Poland. During the period from 1815 

to 1848, about two million Jews occupied the western portion of 

the Russian Empire. 


Every effort at converting the Khazar Jews to Christianity failed 
miserably. Czar Alexander I made a sincere effort in 1817. On 
March 17th of that year he established the "Society of Israelitish 
Christians", and set aside crown lands in the northern and south- 
ern provinces for the possible converts. The land was to be free. 
Nicholas I was forced to dissolve the project in 1833. There had 
been no converts. 

Meanwhile the Judaizing movement continued under the zealous 
efforts of the Sabbatarian sect. The rabbinical Jews fought the 
Sabbatarian Jews with greater vigor than they fought the Chris- 


tians. A number of Christians were impressed with the false Mes- 
siahship of Sabbatai, who, it was said, was still alive and about 
to appear, and embraced the Judaism of the sect. The Russian 
Government in its effort to check this "Judaising" movement, im- 
pressed the converts into military service, and, where they proved 
unfit for military duty by reason of their new faith or otherwise, 
they were sent to Siberia. The movement of the Sabbatarians 
brought about legislation forbidding Jews to employ Christian do- 
mestics. In 1824 Jewish emigrants from neighboring countries were 
forbidden to settle in Russia. 

The Russian government, like the other governments throughout 
the world, was inclined to be tolerant and liberal toward the Jews. 
The Russian people, however, had been extremely hostile toward 
them from the beginning, and closer acquaintance had served to 
deepen that hostility. This popular antagonism weighed heavily 
in the government's policy. 

Pestel was a Russian revolutionary writer. He was of the 
opinion that some type of Sanhedrin should be convened for the 
purpose of working out plans for governmental cooperation in an 
honorable expulsion of the Jews from Russia. He believed that 
the government should assist the Jews in forming a separate com- 
monwealth of their own in some portion of Asia Minor. 

In his "Russian Truth" Pestel describes the Jewish problem as 
an indissoluable tangle. He contends that the peculiar character- 
istics of the Jews render them utterly unfit for membership in a 
social order. "The Jews," he wrote, "foster among themselves 
incredibly close ties." They have a "religion of their own, which 
instills into them the belief that they are predestined to conquer 
all nations," and this belief "makes it impossible for them to mix 
with any other nation." He found that the rabbis wield unlimited 
power over the Jewish masses and keep them in spiritual bond- 
age, "forbidding the reading of all books except the Talmud" and 
other such writings. They are waiting, he declared, "for the com- 
ing of the Messiah, who is to establish them in their kingdom," 
and they therefore "look upon themselves as temporary residents 
of the land in which they live." These doctrines, concluded Pestel, 
gives the Jews their passion for commerce and accounts for their 
neglect of agriculture and handicrafts. Since commerce alone 
is unable to provide the huge masses of Russian Jews with a live- 
lihood, cheating and trickery are considered permissible as long as 
they are practiced on Christians. 

The 1917 Bolshevik Revolution may be said to be the culmination 
of the efforts of Russia's unassimilable minorities to dominate the 
government. Of these alien elements the most important, and by 


far the most numerous, were the Khazar Jews. The peculiar eco- 
nomic, social and political systems of the empire were ill-designed 
to sustain the impact of prolonged war abroad, and the corroding 
acid of disloyalty at home. The monarchy was inept and vacil- 
lating, and the government corrupt and inefficient. The mam- 
moth structure rapidly deteriorated and collapsed under the lash 
of war and revolution. 

For nearly a hundred years the government had swayed back 
and forth in a frenzy of indecision, seeking solutions for unsolvable 
problems and attempting to appease unappeasable people. The 
emancipation of the serfs in 1861 was followed by extreme meas- 
ures against the seditious Jews. The Russian policy was a strange 
mixture of arbitrary firmness, and sudden outbursts of liberality 
and gentleness. At times the policy was cruel and ruthless, but 
seldom without exasperating provocation. On occasion the gov- 
ernment made awkward attempts to appease its subversive sub- 
jects by the proposal of modified European reforms. In most 
cases these timid efforts were answered by an assassin's bullet. 
Liberalization of the laws, "democratic procedures," "leniency" and 
"tolerance," and all such governmental gestures, were seized upon 
by the Jewish revolutionaries and their conspirators as signs of; 
weakness. Extended concessions and reform would be withdrawn 
and the forces of the internal security police corps strengthened. 

If Russia's internal policy was weak and vacillating, her foreign 
relations techniques were utterly ineffective and, for all practical 
purposes, non-existent. More than anything else, in all probability, 
this lack of foreign relations effectiveness assured the success of 
the Russian Revolution. The abdication of the Czar and the sub- 
sequent overthrow of the comparatively mild socialistic govern- 
ment of Alexander Kerensky might have been averted had Russia 
established an effective foreign relations policy at the turn of the 
century. Perhaps the Czar could not know — although it was his 
business to have known — that his government was dealing with 
the same enemy abroad that fought him so viciously at home. 
While his agents did not meet the enemy face to face in foreign 
capitals of the world, they were either in the cloak-room or had 
just departed down the back stairs. Organized Jewry in Vienna, 
Paris, London, Washington, and the other capitals of the world 
made Russian policy their particular concern, and they saw to it 
that that policy boded no good for Russia. Agents of the Czar 
traveled from country to country futilely seeking audiences who 
would view motion pictures of the riots and demonstrations that 
were sweeping Russia; begged public officials and newspaper men 
to investigate the revolutionary excesses of the Jews. Everywhere 
these agents traveled they found that the Jews had been there 
ahead of them; that the pressures they exerted on officialdom 


created a barrier they could not hurdle. Russia was unable to 
secure a hearing. 

Former Russian Jews, armed with American passports, arro- 
gantly clamored at Russian ports of entry for the purpose of carry- 
ing on the revolutionary activities in the country from which they 
had been expelled. When they were denied admission organized 
Jewry in the United States was able to precipitate international 
incidents by pressuring the newspapers and the Presidents for 
United States' intervention. There were few newspapers in the 
United States, England or in continental Europe that dared publish 
a favorable item concerning the Russian government. When the 
Russo-Japanese war broke out, organized Jewry hailed Japan, and 
Jewish money became immediately available to the Mikado. Jacob 
Schiff in the United States worked vigorously for the destruction 
of the Russian Empire. There were no spokesmen for the Russian 
cause anywhere. Those who knew and perhaps cared, dared not 
speak. And the unthinking public was not interested. Russia was 
a vast, dark, mysterious land with a cruel Czar who sent most of 
his subjects to Siberia and spent the greater part of his time per- 
secuting the Jews. 

From 1855 to 1870 the revolutionary activities against Czarist 
Russia were directed, for the greater part, by Nihilists. While the 
philosophy of Nihilism might be summed up by the single word 
"Destruction", its pernicious influence in motivating the Russian 
masses to horrible acts of terrorism is not so easily described. The 
essence of the doctrine of Nihilism is that nothing, or anything of 
a specified class exists; is knowable, or is valuable. Even if 
something did exist it could not be known, and if it were known 
this knowledge could not be communicated. Schopenhaur's pessi- 
mism and denial of the will is said to express a nihilistic attitude 
toward the so-called values of the world. As a social doctrine 
Nihilism is the belief that progress is possible only through the 
destruction of all social and political organizations. As an ethical 
doctrine Nihilism is the denial of the validity of all distinctions 
of moral value. 

Ivan Sergeevich Turgenev (1818-1883) is said to be the first to 
use the term Nihilism. In his novel, "Father and Sons" (1861) 
he applies the word to the theory that the existing economic and 
social institutions must be destroyed without concern as to the 
new order that would take its place. The Russian Nihilists, how- 
ever, had various programs, but gave no real thought to the future 
order. Its immediate purpose and the pledge of its members was 
naked and unadorned destruction. Assassinations, arson, and dyna- 
miting were the chief characteristics of their activities. There was 
no central planning committee or board of strategy, and the spe- 


cific criminal acts of the members were not necessarily directed 
by a leader. Small groups and even individuals were encouraged 
to act on their own initiative. 

Czar Alexander II was one of Russia's most benevolent mon- 
archs. He was gentle, patriotic, and made a sincere and sustained, 
effort to understand and solve the problems of his people. He did 
more to bring Russia in line with the enlightened policies of the 
West than any of his predecessors. Had he been permitted to live 
out of his life, the course of Russian history — perhaps the history 
of the world — might have been radically different in the twentieth 

On February 19, 1861, he granted freedom to more than twenty 
million Russians. Under the provisions of the imperial manifesto 
the peasants were made the owners of a considerable area of land. 
In 1863 he established an elaborate system of provincial and muni- 
cipal self-governments known as the "Zemstvos". Jury courts were 
established throughout Russia on November 20, 1864, initiating a 
more liberal judicial system for the empire. The death penalty 
in ordinary cases had been abolished for nearly a hundred years. 
He had signed the draft law for a basic constitution the day of his 
assassination. Many of Alexander's reforms had been worked out 
with the help of Loris-Melikov, his Minister of the Interior, who 
was very popular with the Russian people. The Czar's policies 
were hailed with approval throughout the empire. The feeling of 
the Russians is indicated by a letter addressed to Loris-Melikov 
in 1880 from the Tver zemstvo. "In a short time," the letter read, 
"you have been able to justify the confidence of the Czar, and 
many hopes of the public. You have introduced straight-forward- 
ness and good-will into the relations of the Government and the 
people. You have wisely recognized the lawful needs and desires 
of the public." The letter ended with the opinion that "a happy 
future is opening for our dear country." 

There was nothing, however, that the Czar might do that would 
satisfy the revolutionaries. Loris-Melikov's popularity with the 
Russian people was merely a source of irritation to the Nihilists. 
The reforms, long demanded, served only to fill their minds with 
alarms and their hearts with renewed hatred. The underground 
revolutionary periodicals scoffed at the new laws, and condemned 
the liberal policy of the Minister as "the fox's tail." They saw 
the "excuses" for their blood-letting activities slipping away, and, 
what was more important, a growing popular satisfaction with 

the Czar and his government. 


Alexander opened the high schools and universities to the Jews. 
All classes, rich and poor alike, took immediate advantage of the 
opportunity thus presented. Education, however, increased rather 


than lessened Jewish animosity against the Czar and his govern- 
ment. This antagonism, following the pattern established by the 
Jews in western nations, was concealed behind the shell of "race" 
and "discrimination". The universities became hot-beds of revo- 
lutionary agitation, and the Jewish students threw themselves into 

the various movements with vigor and zeal. 

Nihilist philosophy was entirely too obscure and ill-defined to 
create a lasting movement, but its basic principle of violent des- 
tructiveness was one of the elementary tenets of Marxism. The 
dialectic materialism of "scientific socialism" would add a con- 
vincing "anti-thesis" to the Nihilist thesis — the conflict and struggle 
for the birth of the new order. The Nihilist was not required to 
make a difficult mental journey from his basic philosophy to the 
doctrines of Marx, and, when the time came, he made the transi- 
tion with vigor and sinister enthusiasm. 

The Russian Nihilists called themselves the Narodnaya Volya 
("Will of the People"). Lenin's elder brother was a member of 
this movement. His execution by the Russian government in 1887 
is said to have made a lasting impression on Lenin's mental pro- 
cesses. Lenin himself was raised in the criminal conspiratorial 
atmosphere of the Narodnaya Volya. 

Sergei Mihailovich Kravchinski (1851-1895) has been described 
as a "practical terrorist". He was the son of an army doctor. He 
attended the Military Academy and Artillery School. He became 
a lieutenant in the Artillery in 1870, but resigned in 1871. He 
attended St. Petersburg Forrestry Institute in 1872. He was a 
member of the Chaikovski Circle. In 1875 he went to the Balkans 
to assist the revolt of the Southern Slaves against the Turks. He 
returned to Russia in 1878 and became a member of Zemlya i Volya. 

Kravchinski was aroused by reports of the ill-treatment of the 
terrorists who had been convicted and sent to the Peter and Paul 
Fortress. He considered General Mezentsev, Chief of the Third 
Section of the Gendarmie, responsible. Kravchinski considered 
assassinating the General. When a certain Kovalski was arrested 
and sentenced to death (the first death sentence against a ter- 
rorist for an attempt on the life of anyone other than the Czar, 
Kravchinski decided to act. 

Alexander Mihailov planned and organized the murder, and 
established the pattern for such subsequent ventures. Mezentsev's 
habits and movements were carefully checked and noted before 
final plans were made. A good horse and carriage was secured, and 
two revolutionaries acted as Kravchinski's body-guards. A third 
was in charge of the horse and carriage. The General and an 
adjutant, as was his custom, walked toward his office at nine 


o'clock in the morning of August 4, 1878. Kravchinski followed, 
caught up with him, and plunged his dagger into him. He ran 
on to the waiting carriage and made a clean get-away. General 
Mezentsev died almost immediately. 

Kravchinski went abroad about two months after the murder. 
He turned to literary activities in various countries of Europe and 
in the United States. He was one of the founders of the Friends 
of Russian Freedom and the Russian Free Press in England. 

He was run over by a train in London in 1895. 

Lev Grigorievich Deutsch was the son of a Jewish merchant in 
South Russia. In 1873 he became a member of the revolutionary 
movement in Kiev. His activities brought him to the attention of 
the police and he was arrested in 1875. He succeeded in escaping 
the following year. Returning to his former activities he helped 
organize the peasants of the Chigirin and Cherkassi districts into 
a secret league for revolution. The peasants were led to believe 
that the Czar had secretly ordered the revolt and that they were 
acting in their sovereign's behalf. Deutsch was again arrested in 
September of 1877, and again escaped, in May, 1878. He became a 
member of the revolutionary secret society, Zemlya i Volya (Land 
and Freedom). Later he joined the Cherni Peredel (Black Parti- 
tion), which had as its revolutionary basis the division of the 
"black earth" among the peasants. In 1880 Deutsch went abroad 
to escape arrest. In 1884 he was arrested in Germany, extradited 
to Russia, and imprisoned. He again escaped in 1901, was arrested 
in 1906 and escaped the same year. For a time he was associated 
with Plekhanov, Zasulich, and Lenin in the Russian Social Demo- 
cratic Party. After the success of the Bolshevik Revolution he re- 
turned to live in the Soviet Union. 

Georgi Valentinovich Plekhanov (1857-1918) was born near Tam- 
bov. He attended the Petersburg University. He joined the revo- 
lutionary Zemlya i Volya in 1876 and attended the Voronezh con- 
ference. He later became one of the leaders of the Cherni Peredel 
party. In 1880 he left Russia and lived abroad. As a member of 
the Social Democratic Party he became associated with Lenin, and 
was one of the outstanding figures in the revolutionary interna- 
tional left-wing movement. He returned to Russia in 1917, but split 
with Lenin. He died in Finland in 1918. 

Grigori Davidovich Goldenberg (1856-1888) was the son of a 
Jewish merchant who lived near Kiev. His entire life was devoted 
to revolutionary-terrorist activities. He was first apprehended by 
the police in 1878 and exiled to Archangel province in April of 
that year. By June he had made good his escape. In February, 


1879, he assassinated Prince Kropotkin at Kharkov. He was elated 
with the ease with which he had murdered the Prince and boasted 
that the whole enterprise had cost only 520 rubles. When he re- 
turned to St. Petersburg he told his fellow assassins that he was 
now ready to kill the Emperor. Most of the conspirators believed 
that history would be better served if the Emperor was murdered 
by a "pure-blooded Russian". If Goldenberg, a Ukrainian Jew, 
struck the fatal blow, the Russian Jews would suffer grave re- 
prisals. Although intensely vain and excitable, Goldenberg reluc- 
tantly bowed to the argument. 

The attempt on the Czar's life at Alexandrovsk contemplated 
careful planning. Much of the equipment had to be fabricated 
by the assassins. Goldenberg assisted in storing the dynamite 
that had been secured for dynamiting the Czar's train, and helped 
make the brass containers for the mine. It was finally decided 
that he might participate in the Czar's murder, but word having 
come from Moscow that additional assassins were needed there, 
Goldenberg had to forego the pleasure. The plot to dynamite 
Alexander's train failed because of some defect in the wiring or 
the switch that was to set off the blasts, although the conspirators 
could find nothing wrong with the apparatus when it was later 

The Moscow project for the assassination of Alexander II was 
more elaborate. A small house was purchased on the outskirts 
of Mocow in the Preobrazhenskoe district near the main railway 
line from Kursk. A gallery was to be dug fifty yards from the 
cellar of the house to the railway embankment so that a charge 
of explosives might be laid under the road bed. Goldenberg was 
assigned to the job of clearing the earth from the gallery and other 
tasks connected with the venture. As the work progressed through 
many difficulties, Goldenberg again demanded the honor of setting 
off the charge. "I gave it as my view," he wrote, "that I should 
be the one to fire the charge, as I had carried out the execution 
of Kropotkin." 

Learning that an alternative assassination attempt at Odessa 
had been abandoned because of a change in the Czar's plans, and 
that more explosives would be needed for the Moscow attempt, 
Goldenberg was dispatched to Odessa to secure the dynamite that 
had been stored there. He was arrested with the dynamite at the 
railroad station at Elizavetgrad. 

Captain Dobrinski, one of Russia's most brilliant police officers, 
tricked Goldenberg into revealing a hundred or more names of the 
terrorists. When he became convinced that he had unwittingly 
betrayed his fellow-criminals he committed suicide by hanging 
himself in his cell. 

The order of the Czar's train was changed at the last minute, 


and, instead of being the fourth coach of the second train as the 

conspirators expected, he was in the fourth coach of the first train. 

His life again had been spared. 


Lev Nikolaevich Hartmann (1850-1913) was a member of the Ex- 
ecutive Committee of the Narodnaya Volya. He had been arrested 
in 1876 but was released a year later. He played an important 
role in the unsuccessful attempt on the Czar's life at Moscow in 
1879. He was successful in eluding the Russian police and, like 
so many others of the terrorists, escaped abroad. Russian agents 
tracked him to Paris where he was apprehended by the French 
police. Russia's attempts to extradite him failed because of a 
publicity campaign and heavy pressures on the French government. 
On visits to England and the United States he was hailed as a hero 
by the international left-wing. Marx and Engels looked upon him 
as an outstanding example of the revolutionary proletariat, and, 
as the foreign representative of the Executive Committee of Nar- 
odnaya Volya, Hartmann made it his business to keep in touch with 

these founders of "scientific socialism." 


The Narodnaya Volya set up a press in a flat in the Troitski 
Pereulok in St. Petersburg. Gesya Mironova (Jesse) Helfmann 
(1855-1882) leased the flat under a false name. Here the terrorists 
published the Rabochaya Gazeta (Workers' Paper) at irregular 

Jesse Helfmann was the daughter of a Jewish tradesman near 
Kiev. She joined the terrorists in 1874 and was arrested in 1875. 
In 1877 she was one of the defendants in the Trial of the Fifty 
which commenced in Moscow in the autumn of that year. The revo- 
lutionaries used this trial for publicizing their movement, and the 
techniques developed became a pattern for all such subsequent 
trials. Many of the crimes charged against the defendants were 
revolting in their sheer brutality. One Gorinovich, a member of 
Russia's secret police, had been a particular target of the assassins. 
He had aroused their hatred by rounding up some of the terrorists 
in Kiev in 1876. When his identity became known to the Narod- 
naya Volya party, he was marked for death. Elaborate plans were 
made and carefully executed. Gorinovich was lured to a railway 
siding in Odessa, where the hiding assassins attacked him with 
knives. Believing him dead they rubbed lime in his face to prevent 
identification. A paper was pinned on his coat reading: "This is 
what happens to spies." His sudden appearance at the Trial of 
the Fifty in Moscow was a horrible indictment of the accused. The 
disfigured face, half burned away, was living testimony of the 
inhuman character of the men and women who would "save 
Russia" through destruction. 


The Jewess Helfmann was convicted and imprisoned until 1879. 
The leniency of the government is indicated by the fact that she 
was released in 1879, although confined to a fixed residence by 
police orders. She escaped the same year. 

During the preparations for the assassination of Alexander II 
Helfmann and Nikolai Sablin were in charge of the terrorists' head- 
quarters in the Telezhnaya in St. Petersburg. After the brutal 
murder of the Czar on March 1, 1881, the police raided the flat 
in the Telezhnaya. Extra bombs had been stored in the flat. In 
the shooting that attended the raid before the police broke in the 
door. Helfmann, fearing a stray bullet might explode the bombs, 
attempted to carry them to a safe place. While she was so en- 
gaged Sablin killed himself with his last bullet. 

Charged with czaricide, Helfmann went on trial for her life with 
Rysakov, Mihailov, Kibalchich, Perovskaya and Zhelyabov. All 
were convicted and sentenced to death. Helfmann, however, an- 
nounced that she was pregnant, and a medical commission con- 
firmed the statement. Her death sentence was commuted to life 
imprisonment. She died in prison in February of 1882. Her daugh- 
ter (born in September of 1881) was sent to an orphanage and her 
record was marked "parents unknown". The child's father was 
Nikolai Kolotkevich, a member of the Narodnaya Volya. He was 
tried and convicted in 1882 and died in prison in 1884. 

Isak Aronchik and Chernavskaya, posing as husband and wife, 
maintained headquarters for the conspirators in the Moscow at- 
tempt on the life of Alexander II. Goldenberg said that Aronchik 
was lazy and that the men digging the gallery for mining the 
road-bed would not work with him. He was born in 1856 in Gomel 
in Central Russia and devoted himself to revolutionary acts of 
terrorism until he died in the Fortress of Peter and Paul in 1882. 
He was a member of Narodnaya Volya. In addition to his par- 
ticipation in the railway attempt at Moscow in 1879, he assisted 
the assassins in the successful murder of the Czar on March 1, 
1881. He was arrested shortly afterward and tried and convicted 
in 1882. 

It was Aaron Isakovich Zundelevich and Alexander Kviatkovski, 
as a committee of two who decided that the Czar should be killed 
by some one of "pure Russian blood". Zundelevich was the son 
of a Jewish merchant of Vilensk (1855-1923), a member of Zemlya 
i Volya, and a member of the Executive Committee of Narodnaya 
Volya. Alexander Soloviev was selected as the "Russian" to make 
a single-handed attempt on the Czar, which he did on April 2, 
1879. He proved a poor shot, as the Emperor, dodging and zig- 


zagging, escaped with only a bullet hole through his clothing. 
Soloviev was captured, tried by court martial and hanged. 

Zundelevich was arrested in the St. Petersburg Public Library 
in October of 1879 and was tried and convicted with fifteen others. 
He was sentenced to hard labor for life. For a time he was im- 
prisoned with Goldenberg, and it was he who convinced Goldenberg 
that Dobrinski had tricked him into betraying his co-conspirators. 

Zundelevich was released from prison in 1905. He settled in 
England where he died. 


The Russian people considered Nihilism a Jewish movement. The 
Pale of Settlement had always been a hotbed of sedition and many 
of the most active terrorists were Jews. Nihilism was characterized 
from the beginning as anti-religious, and antagonistic to every con- 
ventionality of society. Its venom was directed against Christianity 
in general, and the Greek Catholic Church in particular. 

"Nihilism" was not a name selected or used by the terrorists to 
describe their movement, activities, or political philosophy. The 
term was used generally by those who condemned the conspirators 
and their criminal activities. There never was a political doctrine 
or movement by that name. Turgenev apparently coined the term 
from "annihilation". It has been said that the term "nihilist" 
might be considered a slang term for an attitude of mind, in the 
same category of what is known as "debunking". All radical 
thinking is, in essence, a reaction against timehonored ideals and 
tradition. Such maxims as "man is an animal", and "the belly is 
the center of the world" are described as the work of "the thinking 

Anarchy should be distinguished from Nihilism. Pierre Joseph 
Proudhon (1809-1865) is the father of anarchy. He was first 
attracted to the socialism of the Utopians (which was not social- 
ism in any modern sense), and later, under the influence of Karl 
Marx, became an anarchist. "Government of man," he held, "is 
oppression. The highest perfection of society is found in order 
and anarchy." The violent application of this philosophy char- 
acterized the revolution of 1848. Michael Bakunin may be said to 
be one of the founders of the movement referred to as Nihilism as 
it developed in Russia. 

Socialism and anarchism developed together in the beginning. 
The Hague conference of the First International in 1872 marked a 
point of difference, but there is not much distinction as to ultimate 
aim. One socialist element conceives a "withering away of the dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat" and the beginning of the "stateless 
state," while the anarchist wing proposes to abolish the state at 
the outset. 

The First International, organized by Marx, was definitely anar- 


chistic in spirit. Bakunin's Social Democratic Alliance, organized 
in Geneva in 1868, went considerably beyond the anarchism of the 
First International, although this fact did not prevent its affiliation 
with the International in 1869. The modern anarchist movement 
may be said to have been launched at the conference held at Saint 
Imler, Switzerland, in 1872. After Bakunin's death, Count Mala- 
testa took over the leadership of the movement at the Congress of 
Berne in 1876, and gave impetus to the extreme anarchistic spirit 
of the Italian revolutionists. 

At the convention held at Fribourg, Switzerland, in 1878, the 
delegates declared unanimiously for the "collective appropriation 
of social riches; the abolition of the state under all its forms; in- 
surrectional and revolutionary action, and against the use of the 
ballot, a mischievous instrument incapable of realizing the sover- 
eignty of the people." 

Thereafter the movement spread, allying itself with Nihilism in 

Russia, and finding vigorous response in Italy, France and Spain. 

An important result of the movement was that the United States 

eventually was made the haven of refuge for the criminal leaders 

and assassins who were hunted by the European police. Violent 

demonstrations in the industrial centers of the United States soon 

disclosed that the transplanted anarchists and Nihilists had not 

abandoned their murderous philosophies at Ellis Island. 

Johann Most, expelled from Germany in 1879, found refuge in 
London where he immediately organized a secret international club 
for the purpose of carrying on agitation in preparation for a gen- 
eral revolution. A Central Committee in London was planned for 
the purpose of directing revolutionary activities in every country. 
Lev Hartmann, who also had found refuge in London from the 
Russian police, joined Most in calling an International Revolution- 
ary Congress in London in July, 1881. About forty delegates at- 
tended the Congress. The "principles" adopted by the delegates 

"The revolutionaries of all countries are uniting into an 'Inter- 
national Revolutionary Working Men's Association', for the 
purpose of a social revolution. The headquarters of the asso- 
ciation is at London, and sub-committees are formed in Paris, 
Geneva and New York. In every place where like-minded sup- 
porters exist, sections and an Executive Committee of three 
persons are to be formed. The committees of a country are to 
keep up with one another and with the General Committee reg- 
ular communications by means of continual reports and in- 
formation and to collect money for the purchase of poison and 
weapons, as well as to find places suitable for laying mines, 
and so on. To attain the proposed end, the annihilation of all 
rulers, ministers of state, nobility, the clergy, the most prom- 


inent capitalists, and other exploiters, any means are permis- 
sible, and, therefore, great attention should be given specially 
to the study of chemistry, and the preparation of explosives, 
as being the most important weapons. Together with the chief 
committee in London there will also be established an Execu- 
tive Committee of international composition, and an informa- 
tion bureau whose duty is to carry out the decisions of the 
Chief Committee, and to conduct correspondence." 

When London became too uncomfortable for Johann Most in 1883 
he came to the United States. New York and Chicago became the 
important centers of anarchist activities. 

Home-made bombs exploded in churches and public places 
throughout the world, and assassin's bullets cut short the lives of 
public figures. 

George Darboy the Archbishop of Paris, was murdered May 24, 

Three attempts were made on the life of William I of Prussia 
and Germany. 

On September 28, 1883, an attempt was made to explode a bomb 
at the unveiling of the Niederwald monument in Germany, at which 
Emperor William, the Crown Prince, and other eminent person- 
ages were present. The fuse failed to burn. Remsdorf, Rupsch and 
Kuchler were tried for the crime in Leipsic in 1884, convicted and 
sentenced to death. 

Jules Ferry, ex-Premier of France, escaped death through the 
poor marksmanship of his would-be assassin December 19, 1887. 

Seven persons were wounded by the explosion of a bomb in the 
Rue Clinchy in Paris, March 27, 1892. 

Six persons were injured April 25, 1892, by the explosion of a 
bomb thrown by Menuier into the Cafe Verz in Paris. 

A bomb thrown into a crowded Church in Warsaw, September 7, 

1892, killed the bomb thrower — the only person killed by the 

As Joseph Pauwels threw a bomb into the Church of the Made- 
leine in Paris, during services in March of 1893, a swinging door 
caught his arm, causing him to drop the bomb which killed him 
when it exploded. No one else was injured. 

Twenty persons were injured at Grenoble, France, March 21, 

1893, when a bomb was exploded at the entrance of a church. 
General Campos in Spain narrowly escaped death by a bomb 

thrown September 24, 1893. 

Thirty people were killed and eighty injured in the Lyceum 
Theatre in Barcelona, Spain, November 8, 1893, as a result of the 
explosion of a bomb. 

Auguste Vaillant threw a bomb into the Chamber of Deputies 


at Paris, December 9, 1893, wounding seven deputies by its explo- 
sion. Vaillant was guillotined February 5, 1894. 

Emile Henry, on February 12, 1894, threw a bomb into the cafe 
of the Hotel Terminus, at Paris. Twenty persons were injured. 
Henry was guillotined May 20, 1894. 

A bomb thrown in front of the Chamber of Deputies in Rome 
March 8, 1894, injured eight people. 

Several persons were wounded by a dynamite explosion in Liege, 
Belgium, May 3, 1894. 

Marie Francois Carnot, President of France, was mortally 
stabbed at Lyons by Cesare Santo, Sunday, June 24, 1894. 

On June 7, 1896, a bomb thrown into a religious procession in 
Barcelona, Spain, exploded and killed eleven persons and severely 
wounded forty others. More than three thousand anarchists were 
arrested. Thirty-one were given life sentences, and many of the 
others were deported. 

President Faure of the French Republic was shot at on June 
13, 1897. 

Antonio Conovas del Castillo, Prime Minister of Spain, was shot 
to death by Miguel Angolillo, alias Colli, at Santa Aguenda, Spain, 
August 8, 1897. 

King George I and Princess Marie of Greece missed death on 

February 26, 1898, when the assassin's bullets missed their targets. 

Empress Elizabeth of Austria, while going from her hotel to a 

boat at Geneva, Switzerland, was stabbed to death by Luccheni, a 

Franco-Italian anarchist, September 10, 1898. 

King Humbert was shot to death at Monza, July 29, 1900. The 
crime was planned at Patterson, New Jersey, and Angelo Bresci 
traveled from there to Italy where he committed the murder. 

William II, Emperor of Germany, was struck and wounded in 
the face by a missile thrown at him March 6, 1901. 

Privy Councillor Podiedonosteff, Chief Procurator of the Holy 
Synod, narrowly missed death on March 22, 1901. He was writing 
in his study at St. Petersburg when the assassin, who was outside, 
fired four shots. Two of the bullets narrowly missed the Privy- 
Councillor. The other bullets did not enter the room. 

An Italian boy by the name of Spido shot at the Prince of Wales, 
as the Prince was about to enter a train at Brussels. He missed. 
President William McKinley was shot while attending a public 
reception at the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, New York, 
September 6, 1901, by Leon Czolgosz. The President died of the 
wound September 14, 1901. 

Stark terror haunted the capitals of the world. A mad beast 
stalked in the shadows, ready to strike with knife, bullet or bomb, 
and no official or clergyman walked the streets in safety. 


The afternoon of March 1, 1881 in St. Petersburg was sullen and 
dreary. The snow, defiled by mud and debris, lay piled in the 
streets and on the sidewalks. The mine under the street of the 
Malaya Sadovaya was ready to be exploded by Michael Frolenko 
from the cheese shop. Helfmann and Sablin were at the conspira- 
torial headquarters in the flat on the Telezhnaya. Sophia Perov- 
skaya was at her post within sight of the riding academy, and saw 
the Emperor depart. She left immediately to signal the bomb 
throwers. Mounted Cossacks rode in the front and at the sides of 
the Emperor's carriage. Colonel Dvorzhitski and his staff followed 
in a sleigh, behind which, in a second sleigh, rode Captain of 
Police Koch. The convoy moved at a rapid pace down the Inz- 
henernaya, and turned toward the Ekaterinski Canal. Rysakov 
threw his cotton-wrapped bomb. Its explosion shattered the rear 
axle of the Emperor's carriage. Several of the Cossacks were 
caught in the blast and thrown from their saddles. A small boy 
screamed as his body was torn by the explosion. The horses bolted. 
The cries of the injured boy caused the Emperor to order the coach- 
man to stop. When he alighted from the carriage he was seen 
to limp and it was believed that he had been hit by a splinter. 
Rysakov had been seized. A crowd of people were gathering. The 
boy was on the pavement writhing and screaming in agony. The 
Emperor walked along the pavement inquiring of the wounded. 
Grinevitski, leaning against the railing of the canal, waited until 
the Emperor was but a few paces from him before he hurled the 
bomb at his feet. The explosion was heard throughout the city. 
A second explosion followed. Twenty people had been hit, including 
the assassin Grinevitski. The Emperor was still breathing. He 
lay in his blood in the dirty snow and debris. One leg was shat- 
tered to the thigh, and the other severed to the knee; his abdomen 
was torn open, and his face horribly shattered. His right hand 
was badly torn. Pieces of his wedding ring had been driven into 
the flesh. Grand Duke Michael had heard the first explosion and 
had arrived at the scene just before Grinevitski had thrown the 
second bomb. The Czar was able to urge the Grand Duke to get 
him to the palace to "there die". At the palace his legs were am- 
putated. He died about an hour and a half later without regaining 

Ignati Grinevitski died of his wounds a few hours after the ex- 
plosion. Andri Ivanovich Zhelyabov, Sophia Perovskaya, Nikolai 
Kibalchich, Timothy Mihailov, Nikolai Rysakov, and Gesya (Jesse) 
Helfmann were sentenced and convicted of the crime. They were 
all sentenced to be hanged. 


The condemned did not take an official appeal. Mihailov and 


Rysakov, however, petitioned the Czar for reprieve. Rysakov was 
a student and only nineteen years old at the time of the crime. 
His petition to the Emperor reads in part: 

"Your Imperial Majesty and All Merciful Ruler: 
"Fully aware of the horror of the crime which, under the 
influence of others, I committed, I have decided most humbly 
to beg Your Imperial Majesty to spare my life so that I may 
unceasingly attempt to atone for my appalling deed ... I was 
turned to crime accidentally, through the evil influence of 
others, whom my immaturity and ignorance of life and men 
were unable to oppose ..." 


Karl Marx in London, wrote to his daughter, Jenny: 

"Have you been following the trial of the assasins in St. 
Petersburg? They are sterling people through and through, 
sans pose melo-dramatique, simple, business-like, heroic. Shout- 
ing and doing are irreconcilable opposites . . . they try to teach 
Europe that their modus operandi is a specifically Russian and 
historically inevitable method against about which there is no 
more reason to moralize — for or against — than there is about 
the earthquake in Chinos." 

On the morning of April 16, 1881, the five assassins were hanged 
(Helfmann having been reprieved because of pregnancy). If the 
five men expected sympathy from the people of Russia they were 
direly disappointed. Mihailov attempted to address the crowds as 
he jostled along in the cart that drove the condemned men to 
Semenovski Square, but his voice was drowned out by the roll of 
the drums that accompanied the cortege. Several spectators waved 
to the assassins as the cart rolled by, but they were immediately 
attacked by those who stood near them. Over eighty thousand 
people jammed Semenovski Square where the scaffold had been 

The drunken Frolov was the executioner. 



MONEY has been said to be the root of all evil. It may be said 
also that the source of power — particularly evil power — is 
money. It may corruptly achieve what flattery, logic, and pleading 
may never touch. It is the magic wand for special privilege, in- 
fluence in high places; it buys governments as well as railroads. 
It is the fuel that moves armies and navies, and revolutions perish 
on the barricades without it. In modern times money may buy 
public opinion. The world tomorrow belongs to those who own 
the press, radio and television. 
Money is the dragon which gives power to the beast. 

"And Jesus went into the temple of God, and cast out all them 
that sold and bought in the temple, and overthrew the tables of 
the money changers, and the seats of them that sold doves. And 
said unto them, It is written, My house shall be called the house 
of prayer; but ye have made it a den of thieves." 

Jewish law from the beginning, in all dealings among Israelites, 
forbids all "increase" of the debt by reason of lapse of time or 
forebearance, be the rate of interest high or low, while it does 
not impose any limit in dealings between Israelites and Gentiles. 
Hence, while a Jew is forbidden to charge interest on a loan made 
to another Jew, the sky is the limit when money is loaned to a 
Gentile. The Hebrew word for usury is "neshek" which means 
literally "a bite", because of its painfulness to the Gentile. The 
Talmud writers are minute in their analysis of possible evasions 
of the law of usury in transactions between Jews. All evasions 
and tricks are permissible when the Jew deals with the Gentile. 
Maimonides expressed the opinion that it is positive command of 
Jewish law for Jews to charge Gentiles interest. The modern Jew 
is not allowed by his religion to charge a Gentile a higher rate 
of interest than that fixed by the law of the land where the loan 
is made or to be paid. There is great wisdom in this concession 
because most usury laws make the debt unenforceable by the lender 
if the interest rate exceeds the legal maximum, and many such 
laws provide for penalties as high as three times the amount col- 
lected by the lender. Maimonides did place some limitations on 
money-lending by Jews to Gentiles: he believed the practice should 
be within restricted limits, "lest the lender should acquire a passion 
for taking usury, and practice it on his fellow Israelites." 



The Christians were forbidden to charge interest on money 
loaned, even to the Jews. This prohibition was decreed by canon 
law, but, of course, had no application to the Jews. Ecclesiastical 
punishments were imposed on Christian usurers by the popes, and 
Pope Alexander III excommunicated all usurers in 1179. The field 
of usury became a monopoly to the Jews and, of course, Christians 
were the only available victims. The Jews, therefore, had no com- 
petitors, and usury being illegal by canon law to Christians, no 
laws existed in the beginning in any Christian country setting legal 
rates. The Jews therefore might charge any rate they had a mind 
to, or all the traffic would bear. The aristocracy and the rulers 
of the Christians were the obvious borrowers of money, though 
the poorer classes of borrowers were not overlooked. Everything 
of value, except the sacred vessels of the Church, might be pledged 
to the Jewish money-lenders, and this, of course, was done. Thus 

the pawn-shop and high Jewish finance developed together. 

Banking in the sense of taking money on deposit and loaning 
it out on interest, generally speaking, is a modern development. 
There were but few institutions of this character in the Middle 
Ages, although the financial activities of the Jews as far back as 
the pre-Chistian era in the Roman Empire are referred to as 
"banking". The Jewish money-lenders did not accept or receive 
money on deposit, which is an essential element of "banking". The 
Jewish money-lenders used their own money, or pooled the money 
of their relatives or the more affluent members of the Jewish 

Many Jews were the tax-collectors for the Gentile rulers and 
amassed fortunes in this calling. The Egyptians, when they con- 
trolled Palestine, annually leased the taxes of each city to the 
highest bidder. The lessee paid into the royal treasury a fixed 
annual sum; and whatever the revenue yielded in excess was the 
lessee's profit. Conversely, if the taxes collected were less than 
the fixed annual sum the lessee had to bear the loss. Jews usually 
were the highest bidders, and hence became the "tax gatherers," 
Joseph ben Tobiah, a nephew of the high priest Onias II, under 
Ptolemy IV, held the office of tax-collector for twenty-two years, 
and was succeeded by his son, Hyrcanus. Joseph and Hyrcanus 
accumulated vast fortunes. During his twenty-two years of tax- 
gathering, Joseph employed every known means of governmental 
persuasion for prompt annual payment, and many of his argu- 
ments were unanswerable. For instance, he beheaded twenty dis- 
tinguished citizens of Ascalon and Scythopolis for refusing to pay 
their taxes, and then confiscated their possessions. It hardly need 
be said that the twenty-two recalcitrant tax-payers were Gentiles. 
When it came to collecting taxes from their fellow Jews, both 
Joseph and Hyrcanus were much more restrained in their persua- 


sions. As a matter of fact it is recorded that they showed great 
leniency toward their co-religionists, and that their accumulated 
wealth raised the material condition of Judea. 

The general outcry against the rapacious Jewish tax-collector 
caused the Council of Macon in 587 A. D. to prohibit the leasing 
of taxes to Jews. The injunction was so poorly observed that it 
became necessary for the Council of Meaux to renew it (849 A. D.). 
But these decrees appear to have been futile. During the reign 
of Charles V (1364-1380) Menassier of Vesoul was receiver-general 
of the Jewish taxes for the north of France, and Denis Quinan 
for Languedoc. Polish nobility used Jewish tax-collectors. Until 
the middle of the seventeenth century the customs duties were 
generally leased by the Turkish government to Jews. Although 
the office was sometimes frought with peril and some of the 
Jewish tax-collectors paid for their fabulous fortunes with their 
lives, it was nevertheless, a source of great wealth and power. 

Aaron of Lincoln and Aaron of York in England, Jahudan Cav- 
alleria and Benveniste da Porta in Aragon, Esmel de Ablitas in 
Navarre, and Nathan Official in France, are some of the great 
Jewish financiers of the Middle Ages. They were associated with 
the royal treasuries of their respective lands of domicile. 

A Marrano is the name given by the Spaniards to those Jews 
who falsely professed Christianity in order to secure the privileges 
of the Christians in Spain. As the Marranos spread throughout 
the world empire of Spain and Portugal (1580-1640) Jewish 
commerce was extended. Don Joseph Nasi became the center of 
Spanish finance. The Marranos reaped fabulous fortunes from the 
profits of importation into Europe of the raw products of the East 
and West Indies. Gradis at Bordeaux, a branch of the Mendes 
family, established relations with Amsterdam and the New World, 
so that it ultimately became the chief exporters from France to 
Canada, besides maintaining relations with the Marranos in Spain 
itself. The importations included bullion, so that these Jewish 
merchants gradually became bankers. 

During the latter part of the seventeenth and the early part 
of the eighteenth centuries, certain Marrano merchants became 
loan agents for European monarchs. Isaac Suasso, and Baron 
Auvernes de Gras are said to have loaned two million florins to 
William of Orange for the invasion of England. As the armies 
of Europe mobilized for the wars of Louis XIV the Jews amassed 
great fortunes as commissaries, which were then loaned out to 
the warring Christians in banking operations. The Jews financed 
both sides. On one side, Marlborough's troops were supplied by 
Sir Solomon Medina and Joseph Cortisos; while Jacob Woms sup- 
plied the armies of Louis XIV. 

In Hamburg, Germany, the "Hamburger Bank" came into being, 


Diego Teixera de Mattos, a Marrano, being one of its chief found- 
ers. Later the two Abensurs, financial representatives of the King 
of Poland, formed connections with the Hamburg institution. "Court 
Jews" gradually insinuated themselves into the smaller German 
courts and took over their finances. Michael of Berlin was court 
Jew to Joachim II of Brandenburg; Samson Wertheimer at Vienna, 
and Bassevi von Treuenberg were connected with the imperial 
finances of the Hapsburgs. 

Pintos, Delmontes, Bueno de Mesquita, and Francis Mels of 
Amsterdam became the leading financiers of northern Europe in 
the middle of the eighteenth century. 

The financial control of the Anti-Napoleonic League was in the 
hands of Mayer Amschel Rothschild, court Jew of William I, elector 
of Hesse-Cassel. It is interesting to note in passing that the 
origin of the Rothschild fortune came from eight million and more 
pounds sterling accumulated by Frederick II (William's father) 
for the hire of his Hessians to the British government in its efforts 
to crush the American revolution. 

The rise of the house of Rothschild may be said to be the be- 
ginning of intensive Jewish international finance. Mayer Amschel 
Rothschild so cleverly manipulated the inheritance of William I, 
that he was able to establish branches of his operations in the most 
important capitols of Europe, and he had enough sons to manage 

The vast international connections of great Jewish families, such 
as the Rothschilds, Sterns, Pereires, Hirschs, and Bischoffsheims, 
permitted them to amass greater and greater wealth as the nine- 
teenth century progressed. State loans, financed by these Jewish 
families between 1820 and 1860, became important sources of 
wealth and power. The Rothschilds, it is true, had a virtual mo- 
nopoly of the loan market until the fifties. Credit banks began 
to appear after 1850. The Credit Mobilier was founded in 1852 by 
Pereire, Solomon Heine, and D'Eichthal. 

When railroads came to Europe the Jewish bankers were imme- 
diately involved in their financing. The Pereires obtained the 
concession for the South Russian railways, and the railroads of 
northern France. The Bischoffsheims became connected with the 
raliroads of Belgium, and Baron de Hirsch with those of Turkey. 
Jewish credit houses, especially the house of Bleichroeder, took 
over the railways of Germany and Austria. 

Catholic financiers in France, in an attempt to wrest the control 
of money from the Jews, organized the Union Generate in 1885. 
The venture proved a disastrous failure. 

Jewish financiers ultimately appeared in Russia. Baron Joseph, 
Horace Gunzburg and Leon Rosenthal of St. Petersburg organized 
and Bassevi van Treuenberg at Prague. Both Samson Wertheimer 


many commercial banks and, through their international connec- 
tions, placed Russian government loans in the German and French 
money markets. The Kronenbergs and Ivan Blioch, of Warsaw, 
and Efrussi and Rafalovich, of Odessa, are other Jews who carried 
Jewish finance to the Russian Empire. 

Seligman Brothers and Speyer & Co., financed the North, and 
Eranger financed the South, in the American Civil War, 

David Sassoon was born at Bagdad in October of 1792 and died 
at Bombay November 7, 1864. His father, a wealthy Mesopotamian 
Jewish merchant, was for many years state treasurer to the 
Turkish governor of Bagdad. He was a Nasi (Prince of the Cap- 

David Sassoon was employed in a banking-house at Bagdad until 
1822. He left Bagdad and spent some time at Basora, and, later 
went to Bushire. Having been in Bombay in 1832 and being im- 
pressed with its opportunities in the traffic of opium, he sub- 
sequently settled himself and family in that city. Here he soon 
established the house of David Sassoon & Co., with branches at 
Calcutta, Shanghai, Canton, and Hongkong. Within a short time 
he had monopolized the opium trade. It has been said that Sassoon 
"attributed his great success to the employment of his sons as 
his agents and to his strict observance of the law of tithes." The 
obnoxious traffic in narcotics undoubtedly contributed to most of it. 

Elias David Sassoon was the first of David Sassoon's sons to go 
to China (1844) to open a branch of the house of David Sassoon 
& Co. there. The Opium War had given the British merchants the 
right to dump into China all the opium India and the Near East 
could grow. Elias had four hundred million customers and a mon- 
opoly of the poison. He was spectacularly successful. 

When he returned to Bombay he took over his father's business, 
where he remained until 1867, when he opened branches in Hong 
kong and Shanghai. 


Solomon David Sassoon was born at Bombay in 1841 and died 
there in 1894. He served in his father's business in China as an 
assistant, and afterwards became the head of the firm of David 
Sassoon & Co., retaining that position until his death. He was the 
director of the Bank of Bombay and one of the port trustees. He 
was chairman of the Sassoon Spining and Weaving Co., of the 
Sassoon and Alliance Silk Co., of the Port Canning and Land Im- 
provement Co., of the Oriental Life Assurance Co., and of several 
other joint stock associations. He was also president of the Bom- 
bay branch of the Anglo-Jewish Association. 


Sir Albert Abdallah David Sassoon became the head of the house 
of David Sassoon and Co., in 1864. He was born at Bagdad in 1817, 
and died at Brighton, England, October 24, 1896. He was the eldest 
son of David Sassoon. He was vice-president of the Anglo-Jewish 
Association. In Bagdad he erected the school of the Alliance Is- 
raelite Universelle, which he presented to the Jewish community 
free of all encumbrances. He was knighted in 1872, after financ- 
ing a colossal statue of Edward, then Prince of Wales, in Bombay. 
In 1890 Queen Victoria made him baronet. 

There have been users of opium and the coca leaf for many 
centuries. Its organized use for the purpose of commerce and 
revenue, however, developed during the last two hundred years. 
The House of Sassoon inflicted this misery on China (and other 
parts of the world) and reaped a fabulous fortune and unlimited 
power and influence in the course of the operation. A few voices 
were heard in protest but they were weak and went unheeded. 
Warren Hastings, in 1783, declared that "opium was a pernicious 
article of luxury which ought not to be permitted but for the pur- 
pose of foreign commerce only!" Hastings' sense of morals and 
decency appears to have been confined to the British Isles. Some 
time later the directors of the East India Company were willing 
to concede that the traffic in the drug was deplorable. "If it were 
possible to prevent the use of the drug altogether," they declared, 
"except strictly for the purpose of medicine we would gladly do 
it in compassion to mankind." Lord Ashley, in 1843, proposed a 
resolution in the British parliament in which it was said that the 
continuance of the opium monopoly and opium trade "was utterly 
inconsistent with the honor and duty of a Christian kingdom." 

The importation of opium into China by the Sassoons gave rise 
to the war of 1840 between Great Britain and China. Every pres- 
sure was brought to bear on the Chinese government in an effort 
to force it to legalize the pernicious trade. When bribery and dip- 
lomatic pressure failed, and, in desperation China seized large 
quantities of opium stored in Canton warehouses, the British gov- 
ernment went to war to assure the Sassoons their four hundred 
million customers. The first Opium War was on. 

The war was undeclared. England attacked with vigorous bru- 
tality. Peaceful cities were sacked, public buildings were burned, 
the people were plundered and murdered. Sacred temples were 
ransacked, exquisite wood carvings were used for firewood, and 
the Chinese populace treated with a ruthlessness seldom associated 
with the British character. The British soldiers are said to 
have watched old men, women and even children cutting each 
other's throats in despair, or even drowning themselves. "The 
lament of the fatherless, the anarchy, the starvation, and the mis- 


ery of the homeless wanderers," reported the East India Committee 
of the Colonial Society (1843), "are the theme of a frightful tri- 

No explanation was given to the public concerning the cause 
of the war. Great Britain merely announced that the Chinese had 
flaunted British prestige, property and flag. The Treaty of Nan- 
king, 1842, compelled the Chinese to pay an indemnity of twenty- 
one million dollars, of which six million was reimbursement for the 
destroyed opium. 

China still refused to legalize the opium trade, but the bayonets 
of Great Britain stilled its voice of protest. The Sassoons con- 
tinued to saturate the Chinese masses with the product of the 
Indian poppy. 

Gladstone, one of Britain's great statesmen, in speaking of the 
Opium War, declared: "A war more unjust in its origin, a war 
more calculated to cover this country with permanent disgrace, I 
do not know and have not read of. The British flag is hoisted to 
protect an infamous traffic; and if it was never hoisted except as 
it is now hoisted on the coast of China, we should recoil from its 
sight with horror." 

Fifteen years later Great Britain, with France as her ally, again 
threw its gigantic weight against the resisting Chinese. When 
this war was over, the Chinese were not only forced to legalize 
the importation of opium by the Sassoons, but also were forced 
to permit its cultivation in China itself. The British government 
thus insured the Sassoons' monopoly of the narcotic market in 

Contrary to the general understanding of most people, China 
consistently fought against the vicious traffic in opium. In spite 
of being forced to legalize its importation, the Chinese government 
continued to regard the use of the drug as an important moral and 
economic question. In 1906 the government entered into a 'Ten 
Year Agreement with India," by which China should cease the 
cultivation of the poppy and forbid the consumption of opium on 
the understanding that the export of Indian opium to China should 
gradually decrease, and cease altogether in ten years. By 1917 
China was well on the road to solving the problem, but political 
upheavals and intrigue thereafter rendered the government in- 
effective, so that the production of opium flourished with increas- 
ing vigor. 

The Sassoon family, next to the Rothschilds, became the most 
influential Jewish family in England. It has retained intimate 
relations with the last several generations of the Royal Family. 


It apparently has not been tainted by the fact that its fabulous 
fortune and power is the result of the cruel Opium Wars. 

Sir Edward Sassoon, the second baronet (son of Albert Abdullah's 
son, born in Bombay in 1856) married Baron Gustave de Roth- 
schild's daughter. The daughter of this marriage, Sybil, married 
the fifth Marquis of Cholmondely. Sir Edward Sassoon was very 
close to King Edward VII. He became a member of the House 

of Commons. 


Sir Victor Sassoon invested heavily in Shanghai beginning in 
1931. He bought everything that had any potential value. He took 
over the Nanking Road holdings of Silas Aaron Hardoon. He 
became chairman of E. D. Sassoon & Co., Ltd., and soon controlled 
the Yangtze-Finance Company and the International Investment 

"The Sassoon pedigree goes back to King David," says the Amer- 
ican Mercury of January, 1940, "and Sir Victor was the white boss 
of Shanghai." 


As the Sassoons had acquired great wealth and power through 
the English war against the unoffending Chinese to compel them 
to buy opium, so the Joels, Barnatos, Oppenheimers, Rothschilds 
and other English Jews induced Christian England to wage war 
on the unoffending Boer farmers in South Africa. President 
Krueger, speaking in the Johannesburg market-place in February, 
1899, said, in effect, that it was the Jews, and not the British, who 
were the real enemies of the Boers. "If it were conceivable," he 
said, "to eject the Jew monopolist from this country neck and 
crop without incurring war with Great Britain, then the problem 
of everlasting peace would be solved." 

Along about 1898 Cecil Rhodes requested the London Rothschilds 
to buy out the French interests in the Kimberley mines. This 
move gave the Rothschilds control of the diamond industry in 
South Africa. Rhodes was financed by the Rothschilds to the extent 
of one million, four hundred thousand pounds. Soon after, 
with Barnato (to whom five million, three hundred and thirty-eight 
thousand pounds was paid), the De Beers Consolidated Mines was 
formed. The Jew Sir Carl Meyer was put in charge by the Roth- 
schilds as director. The Rothschilds are said to have made one 
hundred thousand pounds during the first three months of opera- 
tion by the rise in value of the company's shares. They received 
an additional one hundred thousand pounds commission for the 
purchase of the De Beers mine. The Jew Sir Ernest Oppenheimer 
became the chairman of the company, and the Jew Sir Alfred 


Beit was made Life Governor. The diamond industry thus became 
a Jewish monopoly. 

The Rothschilds had long been interested in South African ven- 
tures. They had a financial interest in the Jewish firm of Werner. 
Beit and Co., which owned huge tracts of land and gold mines. 
In order to eliminate the Boers and obtain their gold mines, the 
Rothschilds offered Portugal seven hundred thousand pounds for 
the purchase of Delagoa Bay so that the Transvaal of the Boers 
might be encircled. Rhodes organized the Jameson raid than 
launched the Boer War. Four leaders of the raid were sentenced 
to death by a British court, among them being the Jew Lionel 
Phillips. Rothschild influence intervened and the condemned got 
off with a twenty-five thousand pound fine. A virtual flood of 
baronetcies for those who participated in the Raid followed. Cecil 
Rhodes was made Director of De Beers in 1900. 

Thereafter the Rothschilds, Mocatta & Goldsmid, and Samuel 
Montague & Co., not only controlled the mining of South African 
gold, but also controlled its price. 

During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries great accumu- 
lations of capital came into the hands of the Jews. The court Jews 
of Germany had acquired fortunes through their purchases of loot 
during the Thirty Years' War, and they also had done well on the 
Amsterdam bourse. The financial center of the Anti-Napoleonic 
League was ultimately transferred to Frankfurt-on-the-Main and 
the House of Rothschild came into ascendency. 

After Waterloo international finance moved into high gear. The 
international Jews, because of their peculiar position, were quick 
to combine into syndicates, and negotiated national loans in addi- 
tion to financing larger industries. Even where there were Gentile 
firms (as in England and the United States) ready and able to 
advance money, the actual operations were generally conducted by 
the Jewish financiers. The Bischoffsheims, Pereires, Siligmans, 
Lazards and others, followed the example set by Rothschild and 
placed brothers and sons in charge of their institutions in the capi- 
tals of the principal continental countries. Rothschild unquestion- 
ably headed the combine. Thus the destiny of the Gentile nations 
fell into the hands of the Jews. State and municipal loans were 
financed largely by this Jewish combine, although the Jewish fin- 
ancier of a given country apparently negotiated them. The Sterns 
and Goldsmids financed Portugal. In other countries — particularly 
in railroads — other Jewish names became associated with finance: 
Baron de Hirsch in Turkey, the Rothschilds in France, Strousberg 
in Rumania, Poliakoff and Speyer & Co., in Russia, and Kuhn, Loeb 
& Co., in the United States. 

The Jewish financiers have been active in the field of precious 


metals and stones. The Rothschilds long have controlled mercury. 
Barnato Brothers and Werner, Beit & Co. control diamonds, and 
Lewisohn Brothers and Guggenheim Sons monopolize copper and, 
to some extent, silver. 

The Jewish financiers appear to weather most economic panics. 
Jewish apologists attribute this uncontrovertible fact to the inter- 
national character of Jewish financial operations, plus their cautious 
approach to speculation. 

On the stock exchange the Jewish financier is found predomin- 
antly in the foreign market where he again is at home in interna- 
tional finance. Many of them, if not all, are foreign exchange 
brokers. The movement of precious metals throughout the world 
is directed by them, and the rate of exchange between one country 
and another is determined by them. 

Before 1917 the international Jewish financiers were strategi- 
cally stationed throughout the world. Camondo, Fould, Pereire, 
and Bischoffsheim in France; Montague, Sassoon, and Stern in 
England; Bleichroder, Warschauer, and Mendelssohn in Germany; 
Gunzburg in Russia; and Kuhn, Loeb and Co., Seligman, and Lazard 
in the United States. There are others. Over all stands the House 
of Rothschild. 

Mayer Anselm Bauer founded the House of Rothschild. He was 
the son of Anselm Moses Bauer, a Jewish merchant of Frankfort- 
on-the-Main. Under the sign of the "Red Shield" (Rothschild) in 
the Frankfort Judengasse, Mayer ultimately established himself as 
a money-lender. The sign under which he did business was eventu- 
ally adopted as the family name. 

In due course Mayer became the agent of William, ninth Land- 
grave. He negotiated his first government loan in 1802 — ten million 
thalers for the Danish government. He died at Frankfort De- 
cember 12, 1812, leaving ten children — five sons and five daughters. 
Branches of the House of Rothschild were established at Vienna, 
London, Paris and Naples, each under the supervision and manage- 
ment of one of Mayer's sons. Within a short time, through the 
amazing coordination of Jewish financial interests, the employment 
of agents throughout the world, ingenious methods of communica- 
tions, and the clever manipulation of public officials, the brothers 
Rothschild brought all of Europe within their financial web. Inter- 
marriage solidified and preserved the family interests throughout 
the capitals of Europe, so that within a generation the House of 
Rothschild exercised greater influence on world affairs than all of 
the European monarchies combined. The interests of the Roth- 
schilds were international, as are all Jewish interests, and the con- 
flict of Christian nations was the meat on which they grew fat. 
European monarchs vied with each other for the Rothschild favor. 
In 1815 Austria granted the brothers the privilege of hereditary 


landowners. They had been made barons in 1812. The Rothschild 
daughters thereafter married into English and Continental Chris- 
tian families of the nobility, so that the Rothschild influence was 
extended into the British House of Lords and into the ruling circles 
of European aristocracy. Anselm Mayer, in charge of the Frank- 
fort House, was able to become a member of the royal Prussian 
privy council of commerce. In 1820 he became Bavarian consul and 
court banker. Solomon, in charge of the Vienna branch, established 
intimate relations with Prince Metternich, and thus extended the 
Rothschild influence into the councils of the Allied Powers. 

In Paris, Jacob (James), the youngest of the brothers, after the 
restoration of the Bourbons, established the French branch. He 
negotiated large loans for the Bourbons but lost heavily in the 
1848 Revolution. He reaped enormous profits, however, in financing 
the early French railroads. 

Karl established the Naples branch of the Rothschild empire, 
which was the least important of the five. It was abandoned in 
1860 when Naples was annexed to Italy. 

Nathan, the third brother, is considered to have been the financial 
genius of the family. He went to Manchester in 1800, and in 1805 
moved to London. It is said that he inaugurated a system of rapid 
communication, using carrier pigeons and fast sailing boats to 
transmit intelligence throughout the capitals of Europe. In pos- 
session of information withheld from the public, Nathan was in a 
position to manipulate the stock market; to anticipate the rise and 
fall of a given commodity long before the event. He purchased 
government drafts that the government could not meet, buying 
them at great discounts, and was thereby enabled to make a for- 
tune when the government was forced to redeem them at par. 

The war with Napoleon presented a golden opportunity for 
Nathan. He negotiated loans for the Allied Powers, thus enabling 
the war to continue. Ultimately his entire fortune was involved 
in the outcome, and he followed the ebb and tide of the struggle 
with the same feverish eagerness that he watched stock market 
quotations. Waterloo was the turning point. The defeat of Blue- 
cher two days before the final victory of Wellington, caused a 
panic in London and stocks went crashing. Informed of Napoleon's 
defeat hours before it became public knowledge, Nathan moved into 
the market and made a fortune. 

Nathan soon became the financial agent of nearly every gov- 
ernment in Europe. He was able to maneuver a fixed rate in ster- 
ling, making dividends payable in London, and thus popularized 
foreign loans in Great Britain. 

Lionel took over the management of the London office in 1836. 
The fall of Louis Philippe (1848) of France added to the impor- 


tance of the London House. Lionel was elected to Parliament as 
a representative of the city of London in 1847, and held that seat 
until 1874. He devoted himself to politics and the "Jewish ques- 
tion". During his management of the London office he financed 
no less than eighteen government loans, including the Irish famine 

loan and the Turkish loan of 1858. 


Mayer Amschel, founder of the House of Rothschild apparently 
impressed two commandments on the minds of his sons: The 
Rothschild fortune must be kept within the male line of the House, 
and the source and the extent of the Rothschild fortune must be 
kept a family secret. The first commandment was reinforced by 
the ancient Jewish law prohibiting intermarriage with Gentiles, 
while the second found compliance in the inherent exclusiveness 
of their Jewishness. 

The first three generations following Mayer Amschel looked upon 
marriage as a business affair. Perhaps it was a little more than 
this, as the Jewish nation was also involved. The male issue of 
the Rothschilds were princes of the captivity — the uncrowned 
Kings of Israel in the Diaspora. Hence, the meticulousness with 
which the marriage partner was selected. The common practice 
of the male Rothschild marrying a Rothschild was early estab- 
lished. Betty Rothschild, daughter of Solomon, married her 
uncle. Baron Jacob (James) of Paris, married his niece, the 
daughter of Nathaniel. Of the fifty-eight marriages contracted 
by the descendants of Mayer Amschel up to the year 1905, 
twenty-nine, or one-half, were between first cousins. The surplus 
Rothschild females generally married Gentiles, if such unions 
strengthened the power and influence of the House of Rothschild. 

Mayer Amschel sold to his five sons all his shares in the busi- 
ness, his securities, his large stocks of wines, and all other posses- 
sions for 190,000 gulden. It was agreed that any inequality in the 
son's respective shares were to be adjusted after the father's death. 
The five daughters were excluded from any share in the business, 
and even from all knowedge of it. In disposing of the 190,000 
gulden by will, Mayer Amschel left his wife, Gudula, a life interest 
in 70,000 gulden, and the remainder was divided among the daugh- 
ters. This clever arrangement made it unnecessary to disclose to 
the officials or the public the tremendous extent and value of the 
Rothschild fortune, and secured the five sons from any interfer- 
ence from their sisters or other relatives. 

Anselm Solomon, son of Solomon Meyer Rothschild, was born 
January 29, 1803. He died July 27, 1874. He left his houses and 
estates equally to his three sons, with instructions never to sell 


or mortgage them, and to maintain them in the male line. His will 
read, in part, as follows: 

"In accordance with the exhortations of my father, the grand- 
father who so sincerely loved them, as contained in Clause 15 
of his will, may they and their descendants remain constantly 
true to their ancestral Jewish faith. 

"I forbid them most explicitly, in any circumstances what- 
ever, to have any public inventory made by the courts, or other- 
wise, of my estate . . . Also I forbid any legal action, and any 
publication of the value of the inheritance . . . Anyone who 
disregards these provisions and takes any kind of action which 
conflicts with them shall immediately be regarded as having 

disputed the will, and shall suffer the penalties for so doing." 

Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield (1804-1881), the first Jew 
to hold the premiership of England, undoubtedly owed his political 
success to Lionel Rothschild. Disraeli was perpetually in financial 
straits. He worked incessantly to please Lionel's every order. In 
his novel, "Coningsby", Disraeli appears to have Lionel in mind as 
the original of his Jewish "Sidonia". This character is a Sephardic 
Jew, heir to a loan-lending world empire with family representa- 
tives in every capital of the world. "Sidonia" is convinced that the 
Jews are a superior people to all others. 

Disraeli worked with Lionel against Russia. A dispute in Pales- 
tine gave Disraeli a pretext upon which he was able to persuade 
Napoleon III to join with Britain in the Crimean War. He raised 
sixteen million pounds for financing the conflict. Because of Russia's 
resistance to Jewish pressures, both at home and abroad, Jewish 
policy in England and elsewhere was to impress and influence the 
several governments against any move on the part of Russia that 
would tend to strengthen her position either at home or in the 
company of nations. Britain therefore was constantly pressured 
by its influential Jews that any effort on the part of Russia to 
secure an outlet into the Mediterranean would endanger Englands' 
prestige and particularly create a threat to India. The Crimean 
War was a very definite step in the Jewish program to isolate 
Russia from the rest of Europe. Rothschild told Duke Ernst II 
of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha that he would put any amount of money 

at his disposal for war with Russia. 


The Rothschild influence in the United States probably dates 
from the arrival in New York in 1837 of the firm's agent. His 
real name was Schoenberg. He had served in the Frankfort and 
Naples offices. Although Jewish, Schoenberg professed Christian- 
ity. He changed his name to August Belmont and, in 1860, became 
the chairman of the Democratic National Committee. Through the 


Rothschild influence he was made the Austrian Consul-General at 
New York. In 1853 he was appointed the United States represen- 
tative to the Netherlands, and lived at the Hague for several years. 
He amassed a fortune. He married the daughter of Commodore 
Matthew Perry who "opened up" Japan to the western nations. 

Rothschild agencies were established in the Southern States for 
the purchase of wool, tobacco, and other commodities. Rothschild 
ships carried enormous cargoes between the United States and 
France. In the war between the States the Rothschilds played 
both sides, in lieu of an opportunity to make a deal with Napoleon 
III of France, who distrusted them. Napoleon III had plans of his 
own, and employed other Jewish bankers to finance France. Backed 
by loans through the Credit Mobilier, Napoleon was able to land 
Maxmilian of Austria in Mexico in 1864, and to make him Emperor. 
In a secret deal with Judah Benjamin, the Jewish Secretary of State 
of the Confederacy, Napoleon III hoped to exchange Louisiana and 
Texas for French intervention and the smashing of the Union 
blockade of the South. Britain and the Rothschilds would have 
come in on the plot, but the action of Czar Alexander II of Russia 
apparently made British participation too risky. While historians 
side-step the story, Russia's fleet — such as it was — crossed the ocean 
at the invitation of Seward and put its services at the disposal of 
President Lincoln. France and England did not care to find them- 
selves embroiled in a war with Russia, and England backed out. 

August Belmont supported the North by a constant correspondence 
with the Rothschilds and others in Europe. Lionel Rothschild was 
of the opinion that the North would win, but other Rothschilds in- 
vested heavily in Confederate bonds. 

a a a a a a 

The Montefiore family intermarried with the Rothschilds and the 
Goldsmids. A sister of Moses Mocatta was the mother of Sir 
Moses Montefiore. 

Abraham Montefiore, brother of Sir Moses, married Jeanette, 
daughter of Mayer Amschel, in 1815. Nathan Mayer Rothschild 
Meyer Amschel's son, married the sister-in-law of Sir Moses Monte- 
fiore in 1806. Abraham Montefiore's daughter, Louisa, married 
Sir Anthony Rothschild in 1840. Another of Abraham's sons, 
Nathaniel, married a daughter of Sir I. L. Goldsmid. Sir E. A. 
Sassoon married Baron Gustave de Rothschild's daughter in 1887. 
Leopold Rothschild married a Perugia, sister of Mrs. Arthur Sas- 
soon. Thus the Jewish financiers established a royal dynasty in the 
world that exercised more power and influence than all of the 
monarchs who did their bidding. 


The raw materials of the world are largely in the hands of the 
Jews. The Rothschilds obtained the lease of the Almaden mercury 


mines in Spain in 1832 in consideration of a loan of fifteen million 
francs to the Spanish government. Lionel also received the Order 
of Isabella the Catholic from the Queen Regent when he made the 
deal in Madrid! The Rothschilds had previously purchased the 
Austrian mines of Idria, and thereby monopolized the world's quick- 
silver. This monopoly lasted until 1863, when mercury was dis- 
covered in the United States. Their Spanish mine lease was ser- 
iously threatened in the years between 1835 and 1837 by Don 
Carlos' efforts to take the throne of Spain from the Queen Regent. 
The Rothschild agent in Madrid, a Jew by the name of Mendizabal, 
was also the Finance Minister to the Queen Regent. In their de- 
termination to protect the mercury mines the Rothschilds did 
everything possible to bring about armed intervention by England 
and France. As a result of these efforts France loaned the Queen 
Regent the Foreign Legion, and England raised a volunteer force 
which was financed by Nathan Rothschild. Don Carlos was defeated, 

and the Rothschilds' mercury mines were saved. 

Canadian nickel is controlled by the Jew, Lord Melchett, and 
the New Caledonian mines are controlled by the Paris Rothschilds. 
The new nickel mines in Finland are owned by Melchett's Inter- 
national Nickel Company of Canada. 

Abraham Lincoln did everything possible to keep out of the hands 
of the Jewish money-lenders in his efforts to finance the War. He 
tried to introduce State Loans, and met formidable opposition from 
the New York bankers. Belmont opposed him. In spite of the 
heavy Jewish opposition the War was financed on State credit, and 
there are those who believe that Lincoln's assassination by the 
Jewish actor Booth was because of this policy. 

Jacob Henry Schiff was born January 10, 1847 at Frankfort 
on-the-Main. He became a broker for the Rothschilds of that city, 
and probably migrated to the United States at their request. He 
arrived in New York in 1865 and made an immediate connection 
with the Jewish firm of Frank & Gans. In 1867 he formed the 
brokerage company of Budge, Schiff & Co. This latter firm was 
dissolved in 1873 when Schiff returned to Europe. He spent about 
two years in contacting Jewish banking houses in Germany. He 
returned to the United States in 1875, and became a member of 
the banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co. of New York. Within a 
short time he was virtually the head of the concern. 

Kuhn, Loeb & Co. thereafter dominated the railroad scene in the 
United States. It became the financial reconstructors of the Union 
Pacific Railroad in 1897. In 1901 Schiff led the company into a 
gigantic struggle with the Great Northern Railway Company for 


the possession of the Northern Pacific Railway, which gave rise 
to the panic on the stock exchange May 9, 1901. The firm of 
Kuhn, Loeb & Co. dominated the situation. As a result of these 
maneuverings Schiffs firm became one of the world's leading in- 
fluences in railway financing, controlling more than twenty-two 
thousand miles of railway and a billion, three hundred and twenty- 
one million dollars in stock. Kuhn, Loeb & Co. floated the stock 
issues of the Union Pacific, the Pennsylvania Railroad, the Missouri 
Pacific, the Western Union Telegraph Company, and many others. 

Schiff, like Jews generally, hated Russia, and hailed the Russo- 
Japanese War as a possible beginning of the end for the Czars. 
Under his direction, Kuhn, Loeb & Co. subscribed for and floated 
the three large Japanese war loans in 1904 and 1905. In appre- 
ciation the Mikado conferred upon Schiff the Second Order of the 
Sacred Treasure of Japan. In 1904 he was received in a private 
audience by King Edward VII of England. 

Schiff became a director of the Union Pacific, the Baltimore and 
Ohio, and the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy railroads; director 
of the Western Union Telegraph Company, the Equitable Life As- 
surance Society, the National City Bank, the Morton Trust Com- 
pany, the Columbia Bank, the Ffith Avenue Trust Company of 
New York, and various other trust companies in New York and 

He was one of the founders and the president of the Montefiore 
Home in New York, and was prominently connected with all of the 
major Jewish charities. He provided the first building for the 
Young Men's Hebrew Association. He was a trustee of the Baron 
de Hirsch Fund. He founded a chair in social economics at Col- 
umbia University and established scholarships for that subject. He 

presented Harvard a fund and a building for Semitic studies. 

In the months that preceded the United States' entry into World 
War I, most Jews were pro-German, primarily because of their 
hatred of Russia. Sir William Speyer was so loyal to Germany that 
he was deprived of his British citizenship and title. He became an 
American citizen. Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb & Co. was vigorous 
in backing Germany in the beginning of the War, as were the 
brothers Paul and Felix Warburg. Max Warburg was a banker 
in Hamburg, and was the financial expert for the German delega- 
tion at the peace conference in Paris in 1919. Paul Moritz War- 
burg, brother of Max, was also a banker, a partner in the M. M. 
Warburg & Co. firm in Hamburg in 1885. He came to the United 
States in 1902 and joined the banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co. 
at a yearly salary of five hundred thousand dollars. He did not 
become a citizen of the United States until 1911. While still an 
alien he set about reorganizing the banking system of the United 


States. He is reported to have been one of the bankers who met 
secretly with Senator Nelson Aldrich at Jekyl Island, Georgia, in 
1910 to work out the details for the Federal Reserve Act of 1913, 
He became the first chairman of the Federal Reserve Board of Gov- 
ernors, resigning his half million dollar a year job with Kuhn, 
Loeb & Co. to accept the twelve thousand dollar per year post. 

During World War I Paul Warburg, through Kuhn, Loeb & Co. 
helped finance the War against Germany, while his brother, Max 
Warburg, of M. M. Warburg & Co. in Hamburg, helped finance 
Germany in the War against the Allies. Paul was compelled to 
resign from the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve Board 
in May 1918, after someone had announced that "his brother was 
the head of the German Secret Service." 

Felix Moritz Warburg had become a citizen of the United States 
in 1900, and also was a member of Kuhn, Loeb & Co. 

Paul Warburg was either a partner or director of the Western 
Union, Westinghouse, Wells Fargo, Union Pacific, Baltimore and 
Ohio, Kuhn, Loeb & Co., American I. G. Chemical Co. (I. G. Far- 
ben), Afga Ansco Corp., National Railways of Mexico, International 
Acceptance Bank, Westinghouse Acceptance Co., Warburg Company 
of Amsterdam, and many other banks, railways and industrial cor- 

Senator Robert L. Owen, in opposing Senate confirmation of 
Warburg's appointment by President Wilson to the Federal Reserve 
Board of Governors, charged that Warburg was the American 
representative of the European Rothshilds. The Senate, never- 
theless, confirmed the appointment. 



R. ABBAHU may be said to be the first Jew to attempt to refute 
the fundamental doctrines of Christianity. The growth of 

Karaism in the ninth and tenth centuries gave rise to a group of 
rabbinical scholars who embarked on a campaign directed against 
Christian and Karaite doctrines. David ibn Merwan al-Mukammas 
was one of the first of these scholars and he devoted much of his 
work to the attempted refutation of Christian theology. Saadia 
Gaon augmented the work of David. He maintained that the Jewish 
religious system could not be replaced by another, least of all by 
the Christian, which "transmuted mere abstractions into divine per- 
sonalities." Hadassi asserted that certain Christian doctrines were 
blasphemous, while others were absurd. Jacob ben Reuben, in his 
"Sefer Milhamot Adonai", attempted to discredit Christian argu- 
ments drawn from the Old Testament. 

Hasdai Crescas, in his Spanish work "Tratado", attempted to 
refute the Christian doctrines of original sin, redemption, the Trin- 
ity, the incarnation, the Immaculate Conception, transubstantiation, 
baptism, and the Messianic Mission of Jesus, on philosophic 
grounds. A satire upon Christian doctrine appeared at the begin- 
ning of the fifteenth century, written by Profiat Duran, "so skill- 
fully written" that it was quoted by Christian writers, until the 
hoax was revealed by a commentary authored by Joseph ibn Shem- 


Perhaps the most important of the Jewish attacks upon Chris- 
tianity is "Hizzuk Emunah" written in Poland by Isaac Troki. The 
work was translated into Latin, German, Spanish, and many other 
languages. An English translation by Moses Mocatta, appeared in 
London in 1851 under the title "Faith Strengthened". Wagenseil 
published "Hizzuk Emunah" in his collection of anti- Christian writ- 
ings, "Tela Ignea Satanae" ("The Fiery Arrows of Satan") in 
1861. It was this publication that was used by Voltaire and the 
French encyclopedists of the eighteenth century as a weapon of 
attack on the doctrines of the Christian Church. Wrote Voltaire: 
"Not even the most decided opponents of religion have brought 
forward any arguments which could not be found in the Forti- 
fication of the Faith' by Rabbi Isaac." 

The Jews now had Gentile allies in their war against Christianity. 
The first target of their literary arrows was the divinity of Christ; 
the second all religions except Judaism, and finally, the dethrone- 



ment of God Himself from the Heavens. Only the Jewish Jehovah 
must be preserved; a jealous and wrathful god who made a cove- 
nant with Abraham . . . 

The Talmud is the product of about five hundred years of labor. 
It is the work of many generations of rabbis, and its traditions 
may be traced back to the restoration of the Jewish commonwealth 
under Ezra, the historic originator of the oral law. Thereafter 
the prophet gradually passed into the scribe, and prophesy subse- 
quently finds it necessary to take the form of law. It becomes a 
legislative code. Ezra is said to have called the Great Synagogue 
(Great Sanhedrin) together after the return of the Jews from 
captivity in Babylon, for the purpose of establishing the Law. 
"As soon as the men of the Great Synagogue met together, they 
restored the law to its pristine glory," arid there arose a new 
order of men in Israel — the teaching clergy. They became known 
as Soferim (Scribes). "Piety dwindled into legalism," writes Farrar. 
"Salvation," he continues, "was identified with outward conformity. 
A torturing scrupulosity was substituted for a glad obedience. 
God's righteous faithfulness was treated as a forensic covenant. 
For prophesy there was only the miserable substitute of the 
'Daughter of a Voice'; for faith, the sense of merit acquired by 
legal exactitude. The 'pious' were hopelessly identified with the 
party of the Scribes. The Synagogues became schools. Ethics 
were subordinated to Liturgiology. Messianism was debased into 
an unmeaning phase or a materialized fable. The pride of pedan- 
try, despising moral nobleness, and revelling in an hypocrisy so 
profound as hardly to recognize that it was hypocritical, wrapped 
itself in an esoteric theology, and looked down on the children of 
a common Father as an accursed multitude in whose very touch 
there was ceremonial defilement. This was the ultimate result 
of that recrudescence of ceremonial which was the special work 
of the scholars of Ezra. And of this work the basis was a per- 
verted Bibliolatry, and the instrument an elaborate exegesis." 

From this degeneration of morality came the unprecedented 
authority of the rabbi, who eventually superceded even God. 
"To be against the word of the scribes," says the Talmud (Sanhe- 
drin, xi, 3), "is more punishable than to be against the word of 
the Bible;" and (Erubin), — "The voice of the rabbi is as the voice 
of God." In Berachoth: "He who transgresses the word of the 
scribes throws away his life." The final iron-clamp of Rabbinism 
is the admonition to "make a hedge about the law" (Aboth). 'This 
hedge," says Farrar, "was made; its construction was regarded 
as the main function of Rabbinism; it excluded all light from with- 
out and all egress from within; but it was so carefully cultivated 
that the shrine itself was totally disregarded. The oral law was 
first exalted as a necessary supplement to the written law; then 


substituted in the place of it, and finally identified with the infer- 
ences of the Rabbis." 

The Soferim were followed by the Tanaim. The laws constituting 
the labors of theTanaites — expounding and expanding the work 
of the Soferim — are called Halachoth, and constitutes the Mishna. 
Rabbi Juda the Holy committed the oral tradition to writing, 
arranging the material under the six orders of Hillel's classifica- 
tion. This work summed up the labors of four centuries. Thence- 
forth the Mishna moulded the entire theology of Judaism, and 
became the bond of Jewish nationality. "The publication of 
tradition," says Bernhard Pick, "put an end to the independent 
energy of the Halakha, and closed the long succession of the 
Tanaim." It completed the "hedge about the law." Henceforth, 
wrote Bernhard Pick "neither persecution nor dispersion could 
destroy" the iron mold, "and through which neither Hellenism, 
nor Sadduceeism, nor Alexandrianism, nor Gnosticism, nor 
Christianity, nor the Renaissance, nor the Reformation, nor 
modern skepticism, down to the days of Moses Mendelssohn, could 
break their way. This strange collection of completed and dead 
'decisions,' being treated as of divine authority, superceded, all but 
entirely, the Scriptures on which they professed to have been based. 
The bold initiative of 'Rabbi' stamped on Judaism a character 
singularly dry and juristic, and laid upon the necks of all Talmudic 
Jews a yoke unspeakably more empty and definitely more galling 
than that of which St. Peter had complained even in the days when 
the observance of Mosaism had not yet been rendered impossible 
by the fiat of history, which is the manifest will of God." 

Hillel added little to the Mishna. He changed nothing, leaving 
things pretty much as he found them. He introduced a few in- 
novations in the civil laws, especially concerning the lending of 
money and buying and selling, which appear to be merely cunning 
contrivances for evading the laws of Moses. There is nothing 
reformatory or creative in his work. His major contribution to 
the Talmudic maze is the seven rules he laid down for the inter- 
pretation of the Scripture — probably the basic dialectic system that 
so strongly influenced Karl Marx. The system, briefly, is as follows: 

(1) Inference from the minor proposition to the major proposition; 

(2) the analogy of ideas or analogous inferences; (3) analogy of 
two objects in one verse (Scripture) or proposition; (4) analogy 
of two objects in two verses or propositions; (5) general and 
special; (6) analogy of another passage or proposition, and 
(7) the connection. 

Akiba ben Joseph declared that every sentence, word and 
particle in the Bible must have its use and meaning. He therefore 
enlarged Hillel's seven rules into forty-nine, thus creating a mental 


labyrinth in which the seeker of truth became hopelessly lost. 
Akiba's method, however, was hailed by his colleagues with 
extravagant transports of delight. They went so far as to assert 
that Akiba had discovered many things of which even Moses was 
ignorant. His method, however, was unable to pierce the pseudo- 
Messiahship of Bar Kokba, confusing a Bar Koziba with a Bar 
Kokba — the "son of a lie" with the "son of a star." 

Rabbi Ismael opposed Akiba's principles, and laid down, in 
opposition his own thirteen rules, as follows: (1) Inference from 
minor to major; (2) the comparison of words or ideas; (3) building 
of the father, or the chief law, from one verse, and the chief law 
from two verses; (4) general and special; (5) special and general; 
(6) general, special, and general; (7) a general subject which 
requires a special one, and a special one which requires a general 
subject for mutual explanation; (8) when a special law is enacted 
for something which has already been comprised in a general law, 
it shows that it is also to be applied to the whole class; (9) when 
a subject included in a general description is excepted from it or 
another enactment, whilst it remains in all other respects like it, 
it is expected to be alleviated, but not aggravated; (10) when a 
subject included in a general description is excepted from it for 
another enactment, whilst it is also not like it in other respects, 
it is excepted both to be alleviated and aggravated, i.e., its con- 
nection with the general law entirely ceases; (11) if a subject 
included in a general description has been excepted from it for 
the enactment of a new and opposite law, it cannot be restored 
again to the general class unless the Bible itself expressly restores 
it; (12) the sense of an indefinite statement must either be deter- 
mined from its connection, or from the form and tendency of the 
statement itself; and (13) when two statements seem to contradict 
each other, a third statement will reconcile them. 

Rabbinic Judaism regarded these rules of such importance that 

it was made obligatory for every Jew to recite them in the morning 

prayer, and they are found in every Jewish prayer-book. 

The moral character of the Talmud has a distinct bearing on the 
moral nature of "scientific socialism" of Karl Marx, who was the 
product of a long line of Talmudic rabbis. The advice of Rabbi 
Ilai, the elder (Moed Katon), that "when men wish to sin let them 
go to a place where they are unknown, and clothe themselves in 
black so as not to dishonor God openly," is not the exception to the 
general trend of the Talmud. It was said of the chastity of 
Rabbi ben Dordai (Aboda Zarah) "that there was not a bad woman 
in the world whom he did not go to see." These are merely 
samples of Talmudic morality. 


The moral essence of the work is aptly summed up by the 

"On no subject are the doctors of the Talmud so prone to 
dilate as on that of the relation between the sexes. The third 
of the six orders of the Talmud, consisting of seven tracts, 
is entirely occupied with the subject of the rights and duties 
of women, and of men in relation to women. But in addition 
to this, questions of the same nature are continually springing 
forth from the ambush in the Gemara. It is very difficult, 
however, to convey to the English reader in appropriate 
language the mode in which that subject is approached by the 
Jewish doctors of the law. Delicacy, according to our ideas, 
is to them a thing utterly unknown. For modesty they have 
neither name nor place. Chastity, as exalted into a virtue 
by the Roman Church, is esteemed by the Halaca to be viola- 
tion of a distinct command of the written Law. Virginity after 
mature years is a stigma if not a sin. With the exception 
of the prohibition of marriage within certain close limits of 
consanguinity, which do not forbid a man to take to wife the 
daughter of his brother or sister, almost the sole duty as to 
marital relations enforced by the Talmud is the fidelity of 
a wife to her husband during the existence of the technical 
marriage tie. The number of wives legal seems to have been 
limited only by the wealth of the husband; the rights of con- 
temporary wives up to the number of four being severally 
discussed in the tract Kidurhin." 

Hillel held that a wife might be divorced if she over-salted or 
over-roasted her husband's dinner. Akiba would allow a divorce 
whenever the husband found another woman who was fairer in 
his eyes than his wife. 

The rabbis of the Talmud had a very low opinion of the female 
sex. Women were in the same category with slaves and children. 
They were not allowed to be instructed in the law, for "you shall 
teach the law to your sons" and not to your daughters. "He who 
teaches his daughter the law is like as if he teaches her to sin." 
"The mind of woman is weak." "The world cannot exist without 
males and females, but blessed is he whose children are sons: woe 
to him whose children are daughters." In the morning prayer 
the husband and son thank God "that he hath not made him a 
woman. " 

The Talmud holds that a service cannot take place in a Syna- 
gogue unless ten persons are present because God withholds His 
presence if there is any lesser number. Women are not "persons" 
and count for nothing, so that if there should be nine men and a 
hundred women Jehovah would not lend Himself to the occasion. 
But if a boy thirteen years and a day should come along, there is 
immediately a holy assembly and Jehovah will be present. 
(Meghilla, Berachoth, Sanhedrin.) 


"The name of Jesus," says Farrar, "occurs some twenty times 
only in unexpurgated editions of the Talmud, the last of which 
appeared at Amsterdam in 1645. The allusions to Him are 
characterized by intense hatred, disguised by intense fear. They 
are also marked by all the gross and reckless carelessness of these 
utterly uncritical and unhistorical writers." (Life of Christ, II, 


The influence of Christianity on the Talmud is recognized by 
most students of the subject. The saying of Hillel, to which 
modern Jewish writers point with such self-complacency, cannot 
be possibly considered original with the rabbi. Hillel is said to be 
the author of the following: "What is hateful to thyself, thou shalt 
not do to thy neighbor. This is the whole law, and the rest is com- 
mentary." (Shabbath.) Observes Bernard Pick: 

"This is the much praised answer attributed to Hillel, and 
which induced writers like Renan, Geiger, Deutsch, and the like 
to make Jesus an imitator of Hillel. But aside from the con- 
sideration that Hillel cannot be claimed as the original author 
of this saying, we must bear in mind the wide interval between 
the merely negative rule of the Jewish president, and the 
positive precept of the divine master. As to the saying itself, 
it existed long before Hillei's time, 'and the fact that he in 
particular used it, accordingly loses much of its significance, 
and any superstructure based upon the assumption that he 
invented it falls to the ground.' Thus Diogenes Laertius relates 
that Aristotle (died after 322 B.C.) being asked how we ought 
to conduct ourselves towards our friends answered: As we 
would wish they would carry themselves toward us.' And 
Isocrates who lived 400 years before the publication of the 
gospel, said: 'We must not do to others that which would 
cause anger if it were done to ourselves.' In his Ad. Demonic 
c. 4, he says, 'Be such towards your parents as thou shalt 
pray thy children shall be towards thyself;' and the same 
In Aeginet. c. 23: 'That you would be such judges to me as you 
would desire to obtain for yourselves.' Even among the 
sayings of Confucius, the golden rule of the Savior, which 
Locke designates as the foundation of all social virtue, this 
maxim is found in the negative form: 'What you do not wish 
done to yourselves, do not to others . . ." 

And what is more important when Jesus said "Therefore all 
things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye 
even so to them; for this is the law and the prophets," He was 
speaking to all mankind. Hillel only had reference to the Jews. 

D. Moore sums up the influence of the New Testament on the 
Talmud as follows: 

"Though the oral traditions of the Mishna and portions of 
the Gemara were some of them doubtless antecedent to the 
time of Christ by many generations, yet it cannot be proved 


in a single instance where there is identity of sentiment 
between the Talmud and the New Testament, that the Talmud 
did not borrow from the New Testament rather than the 
New Testament from the Talmud. It is not likely that an 
utterance as clear, condensed, and cutting as the Sermon on 
the Mount, as given us by the Evangelists, was passed over 
with inattention by the learned senate of Jewish Rabbins. 
Those teachings passed into the community, and became an 
animating and forming force in society; and they must, in the 
very nature of the case, have acted powerfully on all existing 
schools of ethical and intellectual science. We find in Christ's 
discourses frequent allusions to the teachings of these men, 
searching reviews and criticisms of their doctrines. Much of 
the Sermon on the Mount is a statement of the errors in their 
teaching and the establishment of a higher code of morals. 
"Ye have heard that it hath been said by them of old time, etc.: 
but I say unto you," is, as we all know, a frequent form of 
summary in that discourse." 

"But when we sound the sombre, exclusive, pitiless depths 
of the inner doctrine of the Talmud, we see that a reason 
exists for that marked and secular demarcation between the 
Jew and the Gentile, for which we were about to blame our 
own intolerance. Purposely and rigidly, in exile no less than 
in the splendor of the theocratic polity, has the hand of the Jew 
been directed by the depositaries of his tradition against every 
man. It is the law of self-defense that has raised the hand of 
every man against him. Our ancestors were not, after all, so 
blindly cruel as some writers are too ready to admit. Offers 
of friendship and of brotherhood are as powerless as are the 
fires of the Inquisition to break down that moral wall, sub- 
stantial as the very fortress wall of the Temple, that resisted 
the voice of Christ, and that has been strengthened by the 
constant efforts of the doctors of the Talmud for five centuries 
after the fall of Jerusalem. The power of resistance is the 
same at this moment that it was two thousand years ago. 
The point of attack is still the same as in the days of Herod. 
To the question, 'Who is my neighbor?' the Talmud returns 
one reply, and the parable of the Good Samaritan another. 
The mercy to be shown, as Moses taught, to the stranger, is 
qualified by the Halaca by the assumption that he must also 
be a proselyte. All questions as to which accord would be 
otherwise, whether in the historic past, or the dimly predicted 
future, are insoluble, while the justice, mercy or truth — 
the weightier matters of the Law — are, by the guardians of 
the Law of Moses confined to those of their own faith and 
blood. The vitality of Judaism was contained in the doctrine 
that the Jews had one father, even God. The hope of the 
future of humanity lies in the good tidings that God is the 
common Father of mankind." (Edinburgh Review, July, 1873.) 


Cabala means "to receive." Literally, "the received or tradi- 
tional lore." It purports to have come down as revelation, and 
was preserved only by a privileged few. It was written in a 
peculiar Aramaic dialect, and appears to be commentaries on 
the Torah and the Zohar, its holy book. Each doctrine of the 
Cabala is traced back to the Prophets or Moses on Sinai. It is 
asserted that the Cabala, unlike the Scriptures, was entrusted to 
the few elect of the Jews. "These words shalt thou declare, and 
these shalt thou hide," the Lord is said to have commanded Moses. 

Mysticism is the central theme of the Cabala. Magic and 
incantation, angelolgy and demonology, and the "power" of the 
Hebrew alphabet, may be said to be its essence. Sex is an 
important element, and, as adopted by the Talmud, syzygies (join- 
ing together; pairs) is an important system in the Cabala. God 
is characterized as "anthropomorphic"; of gigantic proportions, 
with limbs, arms, hands, feet, etc. Knowing the names and the 
functions of angels gave the possessor of that knowledge control 
over all nature and its powers. He who has a list of the mystical 
names has the means of guarding against sickness and enemies. 
Three primal elements constitute the substance of things, but the 
twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet constitute their form. 

Azriel (1160-1238) undertook to explain the Cabala. He stated 
that philosophical dialectics is for him the only means for 
explaining the doctrines of Jewish mysticism. 

It is said that the modern cabalistic school begins with Isaac 
Luria (1533-72) in the sixteenth century. The doctrines of Luria's 
Cabala were later taken up by the Hasidim and organized into a 
system of mystical religious exercises; writing of amulets, con- 
juration of devils, mystic formulas of letters and numbers, and 
control of the terrestrial world. 

Oriental Jews in particular were (and the majority still are) 
cabalistic Jews. In the seventeenth century the Cabala spread 
throughout the Polish Jewish communities and hence into Russia 
and Germany, and all rabbis in those centers were required to 
have cabalistic training. 

Pico di Mirandola (1463-1494) introduced the Cabala to the 
Christian world. He contended that the Cabala contains all the 
doctrines of Christianity. Through Reuchlin (1455-1522) the Cabala 
became an important weapon in the Christian dissensions at the 
time of the Reformation. Reuchlin accepted the cabalistic 
doctrine of divine illumination by means of which it is contended 
man is enabled to get insight into cabalistic mysteries through 
the symbolic interpretation of the letters, words, and the contents 
of Scripture. In short, it was believed that the Cabala is symboli- 
cal theology. Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa (1487-1535) held with 


Reuchlin, except that he placed more importance on magic. Thus, 
there developed a "Christian" Cabala! 

Cabalistic ideas continued to exert their influence on Christian- 
ity. Joseph de Voisin (1610-1685), Knorr Baron von Rosenroth, 
and Athanasius Kircher (1602-1684) endeavored to spread its 
doctrines among Christians by translating and distributing cabal- 
istic works. They probably succeeded better than they knew. 

The Cabala developed what might be called "Jewish magic." 
It was declared that there were malicious imps and helpful imps 
ready to do the bidding of the initiated. Demonology became an 
important element in cabalistic teachings. The imps were said 
to be endowed with assorted supernatural powers and possessed 
insight into the future. It was held to be permissible for the 
cabalist to practice magic with the help of these shadow-world 



Only the practice of witchcraft is prohibited by the Babylonian 
Talmud. A knowledge of magic was considered indispensible to a 
member of the chief council or the judiciary. It was permissible 
to acquire such knowledge even from the heathen. Jewish 
scholars were adept in the black art, and the Law did not deny 
its power. They were able to create a calf when food was needed, 
and often consumed men with a glance, or reduced them to a heap 
of bones. 


The Cabala made steady progress in Poland. Mattathiah 
Delacruta, a native of Italy who lived in Cracow, was the founder 
of the Polish Cabala, and the teacher of Rabbi Mordecai Jaffe. 
He is credited with imparting the "hidden science" of the Cabala 
to the Rabbi. It was Nathan Spira who applied the Rabbinical 
method of "pilpul" to the Cabala, thereby originating an innova- 
tion in "dialectic mysticism." 

Czar Nicholas II, his wife and family were moved by the 
Kerensky government from Tsarskoe-Selo to Tobolsk in Siberia. 
The Bolsheviks brought them back to Ekaterinburg in the Urals 
(now Sverdlovsk), where they were imprisoned in the home of a 
merchant named Ipatiev. Neither the Czar nor his family were 
afforded a trial. Yurovsky, Commissar of Ekaterinburg, aroused 
the Czar and his family in the night of 16-17 1918 and took them 
to the cellar where a firing squad was waiting. Yurovsky read 
the death sentence. The Czar started to speak, but Yurovsky 
cut him short with a pistol shot to the head. The firing squad 
blasted the life of the Czarina and the children. All seven bodies 
were soaked in oil and burned in the forest. 
General Denikin and his White armies recaptured Ekaterinburg 


a few weeks after the cruel murder of the royal family. The 
General ordered an official inquest. On the wall of the room 
where the Czar and his family perished were found three cabal- 
istic symbols inscribed upside down from right to left. The 
symbols are the letter "L" repeated three times in Hebrew, 
Samaritan script, and Greek. The ancient Hebrew letter "L" is 
the twelfth letter of that alphabet. Cabalistically it has a numeri- 
cal value of 30 which is 3 plus equals 3, and, according to the 
formula, is repeated three times. Beneath, or near, the cabalistic 
characters is a horizontal line, the symbol of passiveness, indicat- 
ting that the murders were not of the executioner's own will, and 
that he acted in obedience to a superior command. 

Yakov Sverdlov (Yankel) was the first president of the Soviet 
Union. Long a Jewish revolutionary, he was Lenin's chief assist- 
ant in reorganizing Russia's industry. As the first president of 
the Central Committee it was Sverdlov who gave the order for 
the execution of the imperial family. It is probably for this 
reason that the town of Ekaterinburg was renamed "Sverdlovsk". 

The Central Committee, incidentally, was composed of sixty-one 

members, of which forty-one were Jews. 

"Pilpul" is the name the Jews gave to a method of Talmudic 
study. The word is derived from the verb "pilpel", which literally 
means "to spice," or "to season," and in a metaphorical sense, 
"to dispute violently" or "cleverly". By argument and disputation, 
a subject under analysis might be said to be "spiced" or "sea- 
soned". Thus, the word came to mean intense investigation, 
argument and dispute, with the ultimate conclusion resulting from 
the mental conflict. The method strongly influenced Karl Marx 
and his doctrine of "dialectics". 

The rabbis and Talmudic scholars believe that the "pilpul" 
methods leads to a clear understanding of a given subject. They 
contend that the essence of a proposition may be revealed by 
minute and systematic dissection of the whole, separating the 
parts for the most infinitesimal distinctions so that a clear differ- 
entiation of each from the other may be made. A sentence, a 
maxim, or a proposition, when subjected to this method, is 
squeezed dry of all its possible ideas. The concepts thus deter- 
mined are in turn dissected. All of the conceivable consequences 
deduced by these mental exercises are in turn subjected to the 
most minute investigation. The subject matter under examination 
is then compared with a similar and apparently harmonizing 
subject matter, and the subsequent analysis is directed toward a 
determination of the possible contradictions that may exist be- 
tween them. If, after applying the method to two propositions 
that appear to be the same thing, contradictory deductions are 


drawn from each of them, then it is concluded that the apparent 
agreement is not so in fact. The method is also applied to contra- 
dictory statements for the purpose of determining their scope 
of agreement and eliminating disagreement by more accurate 
definitions and exacting limitation of the concepts contained in 
the statements. The most negligible shade of meaning in a 
proposition may thus be revealed. 

The rabbinical logician did not rest his case on the results of 
this tedious investigation. The pilpulistic method demands an 
inquiry into the possibilities of attaining the same conclusions 
by other means, so that if the first method should be upset, 
another proof of the result may be offered. 

The Jewish Encyclopedia presents the following example of the 
pilpulistic method: 

"The Mishnah says (B. M. i, 1) : 'If two persons together hold 
a garment in their hands, and one of them asserts "I have 
found it," and the first one says "It belongs entirely to me," 
and the second likewise says "It belongs entirely to me," then 
each one shall swear that not less than one-half of the gar- 
ment is rightfully his, and they shall divide the garment 
between them.' The Gemara explains this Mishnah as follows: 
The reason for the two expressions, "the one says I have 
found it,' and "the one says 'It belongs entirely to me', is 
sought because it is obvious that, if the persons insists that 
he found it, he lays claim to its possession.' After some 
futile attempts to prove by means of quibbling interpretations 
that one of these sentences alone would have been insufficient, 
the Gamara comes to the conclusion that two different cases 
are discussed in the Mishnah. In the first case a garment 
has been found, and each of two persons insists that he 
has found it; in the second case a garment has been acquired 
by purchase, each person insisting that it belongs to him, 
since he has purchased it. Then the Gemara inquires why 
decisions had to be rendered in both cases, and if it would 
not have been sufficient to give a decision in the one case only, 
either that of acquisition by purchase or that of finding. 
The Gamara then proves that the two ways of acquisition, 
by purchase and by finding, differ in certain respects, and that 
if a decision had been given for the one case, it could not 
have been concluded therefrom that it applied to the other 
case also. 

"After this Mishnah sentence itself has been explained, its 
relation to other sentences is inquired into. Does the Mishnah 
sentence, according to which both parties swear, agree with 
the principle of Ben Nanos, who says, in a case in which two 
parties contradict each other (Shebu. vii, 5), that both parties 
should not be allowed to swear? It is then shown that, ac- 
cording to Ben Nanos, too, both parties might be allowed to 
take the oath, since both might swear truthfully; for it might 
be possible that the garment in dispute belonged to both of 
them together, since both together might have found or pur- 


chased it, each one swearing merely that not less than one- 
half belongs to him. Then it is sought to ascertain whether 
the Mishnah contradicts the decision of Symmachus (B. K. 
35b; B. M. 102), according to whom the two parties should 
divide the object in dispute between them without swearing. 
After a few other attempts at a solution, which are, however, 
futile, the Gemara comes to the conclusion that the mishnah 
in question agrees in principle with Symmachus, and that the 
oath which the Mishnah prescribes for both parties is merely 
an institution of the sages; otherwise any one might take hold 
of another person's garment and insist that it belongs to him, 
in order to obtain possession of at least one-half of it. (B. M. 
2a - 3a)." 

The pilpulistic method was extended from study of the Talmud 
to a system of mechanical reasoning in diverse fields. From this 
Jewish method of dialectics came several variations, developing 
into minute and tedious processes that at times became more 
confusing than revealing. Rules and regulations for the applica- 
tion of the method added to the general complexity of the pro- 
cedure. As a method of thinking, pilpul became an important 
process in the Jewish educational program. Riddles were used 
for exercises, and the most brilliant student was the one who 
came up with a solution for the greatest absurdity. The finer 
the hairs might be split and re-split the greater the fame of the 

rabbi or scholar. 


Hasidism had spread rapidly in the second half of the eighteenth 
century and, because it challenged the authority of the rabbis and 
Talmudic tradition, orthodox Jews vigorously opposed it. The 
teaching of Besht that a Jew might find salvation through faith 
rather than through mere religious knowledge was a heretical 
doctrine that Orthodoxy might not tolerate. Secret circles of 
Hasidim appered in Lithuania in 1772. The Kahal (Jewish council 
or ruling body), with the approvel of Elijah Ben Solomon, arrested 
the local Hasidic leaders, and excommunicated the members of 
the sect. Letters were dispatched to the various communities 
urging them to make war upon the "godless sect." The rabbis 
responded, and, in many places, cruel and merciless persecutions 
were launched against them. Orders were issued calling for the 
expulsion of the Hasidim from every Jewish community; to re- 
gard them as members of another faith; to hold no intercourse 
with them; not to inter-marry with them, and not to bury their 

The antagonists of Hasidim became known as the "Mitnag- 
gedim" (Opponents). Rabbi Tzaddik Zalman Borukhovich, who 
headed the hated sect, unsuccessfully attempted to appease the 
rage of the opponents. In 1797 the Mitnaggedim, in frenzied frus- 


tration, decided to denounce the leaders of the Hasidim to the 
Russian government. The sect, in drawing away from the rigid 
formalism of the Talmud and its eternal song of hate, threatened 
the central theme of Judaism. The rabbis, as they were wont to 
do, brought the offenders before the Sanhedrin and denounced 
them to Caesar. The Mitnaggedim informed the Russian author- 
ities that the leaders of the Hasidim were dangerous agitators and 
teachers of hersey. Twenty-two of the Hasidic leaders were ar- 
rested in Wilma and brought to St. Petersburg (1798). Rabbi 
Zalmon was among them. He was imprisoned in the fortress 
where he was carefully examined by a commission. The result 
of the inquiry failed to disclose anything dangerous to the Empire 
and Paul I shortly thereafter ordered Zalman and the others 

The Mitnaggedim were enraged at the escape of their intended 
victims, and continued their vicious activities against them. Abig- 
dor Haimovich, a rabbi of Pinsk, was particularly vigorous in 
his activities of persecution. He was undaunted by the failure of 
the first denunciation to the Russian government, and, in the early 
part of 1800, he again petitioned the Czar, demanding repressive 
measures against the sect. He described the Hasidim as "a per- 
nicious and dangerous organization" that "feared only God and 
had no fear of man — not even the Czar." In November Rabbi 
Zalman was arrested in Liozna and returned to St. Petersburg, 
where he was confronted by Abigdor. The Russian authorities 
apparently failed to be impressed by such "proof of the charges 
as Abigdor was able to produce. The palace revolution of 1801 
caused Czar Paul's reign to come to an abrupt end, and his suc- 
cessor, Alexander I, released Zalman. The Russian government 
found that the sect was harmless, and Zalman was permitted the 
fullest liberty in preaching his doctrines. 

Abigdor's example of denunciation of the Hasidim to the gov- 
ernment was followed by the Jews in Austria and with about the 
same success. The sect continued to spread, reached its apex, 
and began to decline in the second half of the nineteenth century. 
It became as stiff-necked as the Orthodox Jews in resisting criti- 
cism and gradually was absorbed in the communities of the Tal- 
mudists. In its decline the Russian government turned its atten- 
tion to the movement, and the police supervised its activities in 
the Pale of Settlement in order to counteract its propaganda. 

Although Hasidism has ceased to be a threat to Orthodox Juda- 
ism, it continues to influence Jewish thinking, — particularly the 
religious thinking of the uneducated. Its resistance to Christian 
and western culture was far more stubborn than Mitnaggedim 
resistance was to Hasidism. The emotional appeal of its physical 
communion with God, with its violent body motions, its shouting 


and singing, had a particularly strong influence on the Khazar 

Jew, and contributed an element of mechanical ecstasy and fervor 

to his brooding sullenness. 


Haskalah means "wisdom" or "understanding." Toward the end 
of the eighteenth century the word was used to denote a movement 
of Jewish infiltration into the Christian life of Eastern Europe. 
By abandoning their extreme exclusiveness and acquiring the 
knowledge and manners of the Gentiles it was believed that the 
Jews might exert more influence on Christian business and govern- 
ments. In a more restricted sense Haskalah denotes the study of 
Biblical Hebrew and of the political, scientific, and critical parts 
of Hebrew literature, particularly in substitution of the study of 
the Talmud. Its advocates were known as Maskilim. 

The rabbi, of course, was always the most influential as well as 
the most wealthy Jew in the community. Ordinarily he jealously 
guarded the ghetto (segregated quarters), and strenuously resisted 
every effort that would bring the Jews into daily contacts with 
Gentiles. For the greater part of his history in every land of 
his sojourn, it has been the Jew, and not the Gentile, who has 
insisted on the ghetto. All social intercourse with Gentiles was 
prohibited by the rabbinate. The rabbi, in addition to being the 
spiritual head of the Jewish community, was also the judge and 
court in all cases in which other parties were Jews. He was also 
the chief executive exercising important administrative powers. The 
rabbi acted as a sort of envoy between his Jewish community and 
the Gentile rulers, and the individual Jew had little or nothing 
to do with such matters. The haskalah movement, however, was 
to send the Jew beyond the walls of the ghetto to fraternize with 
the Gentiles. 


Moses ben Menahem-Mendel, known as Moses Mendelssohn 
(1729-1786), may be said to be the father of haskalah. A Polish Jew 
by the name of Israel Zamosz, who had been run out of Poland 
because of his revolutionary activities, was one of Moses' in- 
structors. He learned French and English from one Aaron Solomon 
Gumperz, and, through Gumperz, he became interested in the 
Leibnitz-Walffian philosophy. Gotthold Ephraim Lessing exerted a 
great influence on Mendelssohn's subsequent development. Lessing 
had employed a Jew to play a role in his play "Die Juden," and in 
other ways indicated a great sympathetic interest in Jewry. He 
represented the so-called "liberal view" in Germany. From a 
mutual interest in chess there developed a strong bond of interest. 
Mendelssohn wrote a number of books, which appealed to Lessing 
and their first publication were with his assistance. 

In 1756 Mendelssohn translated Jean Jacques Rousseau's essay 


"Discourse on the Origin of Inequality Among Men" into German. 
This work, as is well known, attacks the idea of private property. 
Mendelssohn greatly admired Rousseau and this admiration must, 
of course, be traced to Rosseau's work. Later he edited the "Briefe 
die Neueste Literatur Betreffend," an important revolutionary 
German publication. 

Johann Kasper Lavater attempted unsuccessfully to convert 
Mendelssohn to Christianity. Mendelssohn replied that his beliefs 
in the truths of Judaism were unshakable. Following the contro- 
versies on Christianity raised by Lavater, Mendelssohn turned more 
and more to the Jews and Judaism. 

His first activity was an intense effort to teach the Jews of 
Germany the German language. He translated the Pentateuch 
into German at the request of Solomon Dubno, who, in turn, pre- 
pared a Hebrew commentary for the translation. This translation 
had an important effect on German Jewry. It aroused interest in 
Hebrew grammar, and a desire for the study of the German 
language. The Judische Freischule was founded in Berlin in 1781 
at Mendelssohn's suggestion — the first organized Jewish school 
in Germany. For the first time instruction in technical branches 
and German and French language were included in the course of 
study, in addition to instruction in the Bible and the Talmud. 

Mendelssohn now called for the "emancipation" of the Jews. 
In his "Jerusalem," he deals with the relation of State and Church 
and concludes that as both have different functions they should 
be separate entities. He contended that the Church had no right 
to own property and that Church law is essentially contradictory 
to the nature of religion. (He was, of course, speaking of Christian 
Churches.) He laid down the proposition that the Church and 
State should be separated, and that every person should be 
guaranteed freedom of belief and conscience. He opposed the 
right of ban and excommunication by the Church. 

It is extremely interesting to analyze these Mendelssohnian pro- 
posals in light of the times in which they were made. First, the 
states that Mendelssohn was criticizing were Christian states. 
There were no Jewish states. If his proposal was to be accepted, 
the states accepting would cease to be Christian states. Judaism, 
as such, owned no property. Only the Christian Churches owned 
property. If Mendelssohn's proposition on this point was accepted, 
only the Christian Churches would be deprived of property. In 
contending that Church law was contradictory to the nature of 
religion, he was speaking of Christian law. The Law of Moses as 
interpreted by the Talmud is the whole of Judaism, and Mendel- 
ssohn had, by his own confession, "an unshakable belief in the 
truth of his religion. He was not proposing to abolish it. The 
Jewish nation is necessarily a theocratic state, and Mendelssohn 


knew it. His proposal therefore had no reference to the Jewish 
theocracy, as there was no Jewish state. His plea for "freedom 
of belief and conscience," therefore, was particularly a Jewish plea. 
In the second part of "Jerusalem," Mendelsshon deals with Juda- 
ism. The faith of the Jews, he says in substance, is distinguished 
from Christianity in that it is not necessary for the Jew to accept 
dogma. Judaism, he declares, is not revealed religion; it is re- 
vealed legislation, further contradicting his proposal that Church 
law is contrary to the nature of religion. Kant, in evaluating 
"Jerusalem", wrote Mendelssohn that the book "will effect not only 

your nation, but others as well." 


Mendelssohn had disclosed to German Jewry hitherto unsuspected 
possibilities of influence. Knowledge of the German language was, 
of course, necessary to secure entrance into cultured German 
circles. Mendelssohn's translation of the Pentateuch into German 
together with the grammatical commentary, became "the primer 
of haskalah," The movement spread throughout Germany. Wealthy 
Jews, such as the Friedlanders and Daniel Itzig were its sponsors. 
Mendelssohn was its prototype, and Hartwig Wessely was its 
prophet. Wessely wrote an epistle to the Austrian Jews advising 
them as to the best means to take advantage of Emperor Joseph 
II's "Edict of Tolerance," and his epistle became the program 
of haskalah. 

Jews soon attained prominence in the social and intellectual life 
of Germany, and many turned from haskalah to assimilation and, 
in some instances, to Christianity. The Verein fur Cultur und 
Wissenschaft des Judenthums (Union of Jews for Culture and 
Science) was organized in 1821, which organization is believed to 
have had as its objectives the further weakening of Christianity 
and the Judaizing of Western Christendom — particularly Germany. 
Israel Samoscz, Herz Homberg, Isaac Satanow and Solomon 
Dubno, Polish and Bohemian Jews, spread the haskalah movement 
in Poland, Bohemia and Galacia. From these countries the move- 
ment filtered into Russia. 

The Jewish "nationalistic" trend in Russia transformed has- 
kalah into what has since been known as "Zionism." The Maskilim 
joined the "national" movement, but many of the essential features 
of haskalah, such as infiltration into Christian circles for Jewish 
political purposes, were retained. Asher Ginzberg became the 
"foremost Maskil", as the leader of the Culture-Zionists. Except 
for the nationalistic tendency, the Zionist movement is in essence 

the old program of Wessely and the Berlin school of haskalah. 

Yom-Tob Lippman, known as Leopold Zunz (1794-1886) is con- 
sidered the founder of the modern "science of Judaism." He 


established, together with Eduard Ganz and Moses Moser, the 
Verein fur Cultur und Wissenschaft der Juden on November 17, 
1819. The organization had as its announced purpose 'through 
culture and education to bring the Jews into harmonious relations 
with the age and nations in which they live', which was the in- 
offensive way of saying that the Society intended to Judaize "the 
age and nations in which they live". Zunz's work and writings 
prove the true intent of the organization. The burden of his theme 
is the imposition of Jewishness on Christendom. The Verein — in 
which Zunz was the leading figure — attracted some of the foremost 
Jews of the day, Heinrich Heine, Ludwig Markus, David Fried- 
lander, Israel Jacobson, Lazarus ben David ... In 1822 the "Zeit- 
schrift fur die Wissenschaft des Judenthums" made its appearance 
under the auspices of the Verein, edited by Zunz. The program, 
written by Wohlwill, revealed the sinister purposes of the associa- 
tion. The "new science," it was said, comprised a study of the 
historical development and the philosophical essence of Judaism; 
two methods which must be based on a critical understanding of 
Jewish literature. There was not the slightest indication of either 
an effort or a method tending to "bring the Jews into harmonious 
relations" with their "age" and "the nations in which they lived." 

Heinrich Heine further revealed the true purpose of the Verein 
by referring to its members as "Young Palestine." All of the 
revolutionary committees of Heine's day were referred to in a 
similar manner, such as "Young Germany," 'Young Italy," 'Young 
Portugal" and 'Young Turks." 

Zunz and his Verein proposed a doctrine which may be called 
"Neo-Messianism" for want of a better term. This doctrine differed 
from the Jewish Orthodox conception of a "personal" Messiah, in 
that it conceives a Messianic age when the Jewish nation domin- 
ates the world politically and socially. In order to achieve this 
Messianic Age, Christianity of course, must be utterly destroyed, 
or so weakened as to be a negligible force in world affairs. Without 
the Christian influence governments are increasingly weakened 
and become more susceptible to Jewish control. Zunz's doctrine 
did more than deny the belief in the coming of a personal Messiah; 
he infused into the Jewish mind the fulfillment of the Covenant 
through domination over all Gentile people, and suggested the 
means for its early attainment. The haskalah movement received 
great impetus from the Verein. Christian society had heretofore 
repelled the unassimible Jew. Suddenly he was in the drawing- 
room speaking German, talking guardedly of doctrines of revolu- 
tionary import. The Revolution of 1848 was not far distant. 

Moses Hess, whom Karl Marx affectionately called the "Commu- 
nist rabbi", declared "at all times there has been a central union 
among Jews, even among those who have been scattered all over 


the globe. It doesn't matter where found, Jews maintained rela- 
tions with this spiritual center. Never has a nation felt in such 
an acute a manner as Jews, the force emanating from such a 
center. With them, every suggestion is broadcast with the greatest 
speed to the extreme ends of the national organization." ("Rome 
and Palestine".) Hess was the organizer of the first communist 
groups in the Rhineland. He became a member of the First 
International and represented the communists of Germany at the 
1868 Bruxelles Conference, and again in 1869 at Basel. Dr. Wax- 
man, who made the translation of Hess's "Rome and Palestine", 

called the work "the herald and trumpet of Zionism." 

Bernard Lazare, Jewish writer, in his book "Anti-Semitism, Its 
History and Causes", devotes considerable space to the revolu- 
tionary character of the Jew. 

"In that time (tenth to fifteenth centuries)," he writes, "when 
Catholicism and the Christian faith were the basic structure of the 
States, to combat them or to supply arms to those who attacked 
them, was to do the work of a revolutionist. The Jews did not con- 
fine themselves to this. They supported Arab materialism that so 
strongly shook the Christian faith and spread disbelief to the point 
that we can affirm the existence of a secret society sworn to the 
destruction of Christianity ... I understand by revolutionary pro- 
cess the ideological march of Revolution that can be represented 
on the one hand by the gradual destruction of the Christian state 
and of religious authority and on the other by an economic revo- 
lution ..." 


There is no reliable evidence tending to prove that the Jews, as 
such, initiated or controlled the "Illuminati" of Bavaria. This 
organization, under the direction and control of a sinister character 
known to history as Adam Weishaupt, was founded on May 1, 1776, 
under the name Gesellschaft der Perfectibilisten (Perfectibilists). 

The name ultimately employed to designate Weishaupt's secret 
society was the "Illuminati" (Enlightened). There was nothing 
original in the name, as it had been given to, or assumed by 
various sects or orders of mystics for several hundred years. 
The "Alombrados" or "Alumbrados," which arose about the year 
1520 in Spain, is an early example. Under the name of "Illumines" 
a similar sect appeared in Picardy in 1623, but succumbed in 1635. 
Very little is known of another sect of Illumines that appeared in 
the south of France about 1722, except that it is believed to have 
disappeared after 1794. The title of "Illuminati" has ofen been 
bestowed also on Rosicrusians, Martinists, and Swedenborgians. 

Adam Weishaupt was a professor of canon law at Ingolstadt. 
He was an ex-Jesuit and hated the order with great intensity- 


"our worst enemies the Jesuits," he wrote. He became deeply 
engrossed in secret societies, and apparently devoted much of his 
time in researching ancient mystic and occult orders and sects. 
It is said that a certain Jutland merchant by the name of Kolmer, 
initiated Weishaupt, in 1771, into the mysteries of a "secret" 
doctrine founded on Manichaeism, that Kolmer had picked up in 
Egypt. Manichaeism was a dualistic religious philosophy which 
originated with the Persian Manicheus or Mani. It was taught 
from the third to the seventh centuries. Its essence is that light 
and goodness, personified as God, is in eternal conflict with dark- 
ness and evil. While there is no direct evidence of the fact, Kolmer 
might have been a Jew, the name Kolmer being a corruption of the 
Jewish name Calmer. While it has also been said that Weishaupt 
himself was a Jew, there does not appear to be any real evidence 
in support of the assertion. 

Most students of the Illuminati are agreed that the Cabala is no 
part of Weishaupt's system. Mrs. Webster, in her book "Secret 
Societies" declares that "the only trace of Cabalism to be found 
amongst the papers of the Order is a list of recipes for procuring 
abortion, for making aphrodisiacs, Aqua Toffana, pestilential 
vapours, etc., headed 'Cabala Major.' " 

Bernard Lazare states that "there were Jews, Cabalistic Jews, 
around Weishaupt." A French writer on the subject has declared 
that these Jews were Moses Mendelssohn, Wessely, and the bankers 
Itzig, Friedlander, and Meyer. But, again, there is no documentary 
evidence in support of these statements. Mrs. Webster — who must 
be considered an expert on the subject — states that Weishaupt "and 
his first coadjutors, Zwack and Massenhausen, were pure Germans." 
Nevertheless, the anti-Christian propaganda of the Jews contributed 
to Weishaupt's Illuminati. Mrs. Webster, in "Secret Societies," 
writes: "But Lessing was also the friend and admirer of Moses 
Mendelssohn, who has been suggested as one of Weishaupt's 
inspirers. Now, at first sight nothing seems more improbable than 
that an orthodox Jew such as Mendelssohn should have accorded 
any sympathy to the anarchic scheme of Weishaupt. Nevertheless, 
certain of Weishaupt's doctrines are not incompatible with the 
principles of orthodox Judaism. Thus, for example, Weishaupt's 
theory — so strangely at variance with his denunciations of the 
family system — that as a result of Illuminism 'the head of every 
family will be what Abraham was, the patriarch, the priest, and 
the unfettered lord of his family, and Reason will be the only code 
of Man,' is essentially a Jewish conception . . . To sum up, 
I do not see so far in Illuminism a Jewish conspiracy to destroy 
Christianity, but rather a movement finding its principle dynamic 
force in the ancient spirit of revolt against the existing social and 
moral order, aided and abetted perhaps by Jews who saw in it a 
system that might be turned to their own advantage." 


The part played by the Jews in the French Revolution is obscure. 
Mrs. Webster states: "On this point Jewish writers appear to be 
better informed than the rest of the world, for Monsieur Leon 
Kahn in his panegyric on the part played by his co-religionists in 
the Revolution finds Jews where even Drumont failed to detect 
them. Thus we read that it was a Jew, Rosenthal, who headed 
the legion known by his name, which was sent against La Vendee 
but took to flight, and which was the subject of complaint when 
employed to guard the Royal Family at the Temple; that amongst 
those who worked most energetically to deprive the clergy of their 
goods was a Jewish ex-old-clothes seller, Zalkind Hourwitz; that 
it was a Jew named Lang who murdered three out of the five 
Swiss guards at the foot of the staircase in the Tuileries on August 
10; that Jews were implicated in the theft of the crown jewels on 
September 16, 1792, and one named Lyre was executed in conse- 
quence; that it was Clootz and the Jew Pereyra . . . who went 
to the Archbishop Gobel in November, 1793 and induced him by 
means of threats to abjure the Christian faith." 

There is no evidence linking Meyer Amschel (founder of the 
House of Rothschild) with the French Revolution of 1789. As a 
matter of fact history strongly indicates that he could not possibly 
have had a hand in it. Although the headquarters of the 
Illuminati is said to have been established in Frankfort in 1782 
there is no evidence that Meyer Amschel became a member, or is 
it at all likely that he did. 

A Special Commissioner of Police at Meyence reported that an 
organization in Berlin called the "League of Virtue" or Tugendbund 
was "so identified with the Illuminati that no line of demarcation 
was seen between them." It was reported that the headouarters 
of the Tugenbund was the house of a Jewish member of the 
Illuminati named Herz, a friend and pupil of Moses Mendelssohn. 
Among the members or adherents of the Tugenbund were two of 
Mendelssohn's daughters. Two of Mendelssohn's sons had married 
into the family of Daniel Itzig. It is alleged that Mirabeau was 
well acquainted with Herz's wife, and that it was Mirabeau who 
introduced Illuminism into France and initiated the Duke of 
Orleans and Talleyrand into the order. Fanny von Arnstein, Daniel 
Itzig's daughter, was interested in the Tugenbund and is said to 
have conducted a similar association in Vienna. William von 
Humboldt, Alexander von Humbolt and Frederick von Gentz were 
other members or sympathizers. Mrs. Herz apparently made no 
secret of the fact that the Tugenbund supported the French 
Revolution of 1789. 

The Jew von Gentz was responsible for the Rothschilds' success 
with Prince Metternich of Austria. William von Humboldt, who 
later became Prussian Ambassador to England, was close to the 


Rothschilds. Amschel II managed his estates. Alexander von 
Humboldt, the explorer, established intimate social relationship 
with Nathan Rothschild in London. 

Among the Jewish bankers who are said to have helped finance 
the French Revolution are Daniel Itzig (1722-1799), Court Jew to 
Frederick William II; David Friedlander (1750-1834), Itzig's son- 
in-law; Herz Cerfbeer (1730-1793); Benjamin Goldsmid of London 
(1755-1808); Abraham Goldsmid, Benjamin's brother (1756-1810); 
and Moses Mocatta (1768-1857), partner of the brothers Goldsmid, 
and uncle of Sir Moses Montefiore. 


The idea of the return of the Jews to Palestine is an integral 
part of the Messianic doctrine. "For out of Zion shall go forth the 
law." This dream of a restoration, of a renewed national existence, 
and a return to Palestine with Israel dominant over all the 
Gentile nations of the world, has been the most persistent obsession 
of the Jews through the centuries. While some of the modern 
Jews, particularly in the United States, have attempted to blot 
out this sinister doctrine (Philadelphia Conference, November 3-6, 
1869), the rise of Theodor Herzl's political Zionism through the 
zealous and energetic support of the Khazar Jews, completely 
smothered the good sense of the Reformed Jews. 

The Jews of Babylon looked forward continually to the re- 
establishment of their kingdom. As has been seen, the Jews were 
despised throughout the civilized world long before the fall of 
Jerusalem in 70 A. D. Nevertheless these voluntary exiles looked 
forward to the day when Israel would rule the world from 
Jerusalem. We have seen how they attempted, on several occasions, 
to bring this about by force of arms. The destruction of the 
Temple by Titus and Vespasian only served to rekindle the burning 
fever for the great day of retribution and revenge. The Talmud 
as a whole is based upon the promise of the reestablishment of the 
power of Israel and its ultimate control of the affairs of all 
mankind. The doctrine is expressed in numerous Jewish prayers. 
The Cabala gives particular emphasis to the Judaic dream of 
world-domination. The Zohar treats the event as having taken 
place. Toldoth Noah explains that "the Feast of the Tabernacles 
is the period when Israel triumphs over the other people of the 
world; that is why during this feast we seize the Loulab (branches 
of trees tied together) and carry it as a trophy to show that we 
have conquered all the other peoples known as 'populace' and that 
we dominate them." 

J. P. Stehelin, in "The Traditions of the Jews", quoting Talmud 
treatises Baba Bathra, observes: "But let us see a little after 
what manner the Jews are to live in their ancient Country under 
the Administration of the Messiah. In the First Place, the strange 
Nations, which they shall suffer to live, shall build them Houses 


and Cities, till their Ground, and plant their Vineyards; and all 
this, without so much as looking for any Reward of their Labour, 
These surviving Nations will likewise voluntarily offer them all 
their Wealth and Furniture: And Princes and Nobles shall attend 
them; and be ready at their Nod to pay them all Manner of 
Obedience; while they themselves shall be surrounded with 
Grandeur and Pleasure, appearing abroad in Apparel glittering 
with Jewels like Priests of the Unction, consecrated to God . . ." 

The Cabala is not so generous with the goyim (Zohar, Schemoth; 
Beschalah). When Israel takes over the dominion of the world, 
all the goyim will be swept off the face of the earth. The Zohar 
says the Messiah will declare war on all the nations and all the 
nations will eventually declare war on the Messiah. The Messiah 
will then display His force and exterminate them. 

Mordecai M. Noah, in 1818, advocated the restoration of the Jews 
to Palestine. He later conceived a plan for a preliminary settle- 
ment which he called "Ararat" on Grand Island in the Niagara 
River, near Buffalo. On January 19, 1820 Noah presented the 
New York legislature with a petition, praying for the sale to him 
of Grand Island. Nothing was done about it, but the incident 
aroused interest in Europe. In 1873 the London Jewish Chronicle 
editorially suggested a Jewish colony in the United States along 
the lines suggested by Noah. 

Joseph Salvador, in 1830, suggested that a coalition of European 
powers might restore Palestine to the Jews, and the founders 
of the Alliance Israelite Universelle had a similar idea. It was 
this Jewish organization, under the leadership of Albert Cohn and 
Charles Netter, that initiated the plan of colonizing Jews in Pales- 
tine. Mikweh Yisrael, an agricultural school, was founded near 

In 1864 there appeared a pamphlet, generally ascribed to one 
Abraham Petavel (a Christian clergyman and a member of the 
Alliance Israelite Universelle), advocating Jewish nationalism. 
One Lazar Levy-Bing, a banker of Nancy, favored the idea and 
expressed the hope that Jerusalem might become the ideal center 
of the world. Another Jew, J. Frankel, in 1868, published a 
pamphlet that boldly urged the purchase of Palestine from 
Turkey. Various schemes were presented. The Rothschilds were 
urged to use their great wealth to "restore the kingdom of Judah 
to its former glory." Judah ben Solomon Alkalai, rabbi at Semlin, 
Croatia, advocated the formation of a joint-stock company for the 
purpose of inducing the sultan to cede Palestine to the Jews as 
a tributary state. The Arabs, of course, occupied Palestine, as 
had their ancestors, for nearly two thousand years. No one 
seemed particularly interested in these occupants of the land or 
seemed to care what would happen to them once they were driven 
from their homes. And, incredible as it seems, no one seemed 


to care when, in 1948, the Jews did finally drive them into the 
desert. The agitation continued without a thought of the people 
who must be dispossessed. 

Luzzatti, in Padua, wrote to Albert Cohn in 1854: "Palestine 
must be colonized and worked by the Jews in order that it may 
live again commercially and agriculturally." Sir Moses Montefiore 
and Alolphe Cremieux journeyed to Palestine and added their 
influence to the proposals. Henry Dumont attempted to interest 
the Alliance Israelite Universelle in France, the Anglo-Jewish 
Association in London, and the Jewish community in Berlin in 
taking immediate action for the acquisition of the Holy Land. The 
International Palestine Society and the Syrian and Palestine 
Colonization Society were organized for the promotion of interest 
in the subject. Sir Moses Montefiore, in 1840, unsuccessfully 
attempted to induce Mohammed Ali to permit the Jews to colonize 
in Palestine, and Lord Shaftesbury in a similar attempt did not 
fare any better. 

David ben Dob Baer Gordon (1826-1886), Zebi Hirsh Kalischer 
(1795-1874), Elijah Guttmacher, Moses Hess, and the Jewish 
historian Heinrich Graetz were all advocates of the return of the 
Jews to Palestine. The movement in the course of time became 
known as Chovevei Zion. Gordon and Hess may be said to have 
been the intellectual leaders. Hess' "Bom und Jerusalem" (1862), 
has remained one of the foundation works in Zionist literature, 
in spite of the fact that Hess was a self-avowed communist. 
Kalischer is considered the first practical Zionist. He advocated 
the colonization of Palestine, the cultivation of the land there, the 
founding of an agricultural school and a Jewish military guard. 
He believed that the Covenant could not be fulfilled unless the 
Jews worked for its attainment in the land of Abraham. 

The result of all this agitation laid the ground-work for the 
political Zionism of Theodor Herzl in 1897. Two first congresses 
would be held that year, out of which would emerge two Jewish 
movements that were destined to change the course of history. 
Theodor Herzl would preside over the first Zionist Congress at 
Basel, and the Jewish Socialist Bund would meet in the first 
Communist Congress in Minsk. 


Henri Barbusse (1873-1935), Jewish French communist who 
organized the communist front World Congress Against War (later 
to be known as American League for Peace and Democracy — Dies 
Reports, Vol. 1, page 438), wrote a book he called "Jesus." The 
following quotes are from the English translation: 

"The days are near. The old world will die its death . . . 
For the Eternal will glow from Zion . . . The heavenly 
Messiah will have a counterfeit, and the earth will be destroyed 
. . . The kingdoms shall fall, those who shall rule nations 


will pass . . . And the hero of the Revolution will install 
a new era where Israel shall be elevated above the eagles 
. . . We, whose hopes have been crushed one after the other, 
we are the people of hope, the man-people ... In the street 
where I pass on my return home, the setting sun is casting 
lengthened rays. People are thinking of the Revolution. 
And one of them says: You think it will come, this Revolution? 
And the other says: It seems as though it is for tomorrow 
. . . The multitude is lazy, and all memories flee from it. 
But we, the Saints, we make the courage of Israel come out 
of the earth . . . And it is faith . . . For Israel is the 
Chosen People. The universe was given to the Jews by God 
who told them this, by messenger, on Sinai . . . We shall 
carry, for the last thousand years of the world, that are just 
now to commence, the success of the Jews over the usurper 
of Rome . . . And we will scourge the nations with a rod 
of iron ... I tell you we are the true and the sole ones to 
bring forth the law, the final battle for the Kingdom of God 
and for life eternal, that is the immortal glory of the con- 
quering Jew . . ." 


Abul Walid Muhammed ibn Ahmad ibn Roshd, better known 
as Averroes (1126-1198), an Arabian and Mohammedan found 
admirers among the Jewish scholars of the twelfth century, 
although his writings were rejected by Islam. Whether Averroes 
was a disciple of the Jewish rabbi Maimondes, or Maimondes 
was a disciple of Averroes has been a nice point of dispute. 
Nevertheless there is much of Averroes in Maimondes. Both 
were strong Aristotelians. Both deny the Diety the possession 
of "attributes," and both hold the same theories of intellect and 
the relation of faith and knowledge. 

Averroes endorsed Aristotle's theories in their entirety, and 
never lost an opportunity to emphasize them. "God," he says, 
"has declared a truth for all men that requires for understanding 
no intellectual superiority; in a language that can be interpreted 
by every human soul according to its capability and temper. The 
expositors of religious meta-physics are therefore the enemies of 
true religion, because they made it a matter of syllogism." It 
made no difference to Averroes that his interpretation of Aristotle's 
doctrines may not have been in harmony with the doctrines of the 
Koran. While Maimondes admitted man's free will, Averroes 
restricted it. "Our soul," says Averroes, "can have preferences 
indeed, but its acts are limited by the fatality of exterior 

Certain Averroistic propositions aroused the criticism of Christian 
ecclesiastic authorities, and Averroes' theories were vigorously 
opposed by St. Thomas Aquinas. Among these Averroistic prop- 
ositions were the co-eternity of the created word; the numerical 
identity of the intellect in all men, and the so-called two-fold-truth 
theory stating that a proposition may be philosophically true 


though theologically false. St. Thomas Aquinas argued that there 
is no philosophical proof, either for the co-eternity of the created 
word or against it, and he established the principle that creation 
is an article of faith. St. Thomas rejected the proposition of the 
unity of intellect as being incompatible with the true concept of 
person and with personal immortality. It is doubtful whether 
Averroes himself believed the two-truths theory, and, of course, 
is was rejected by St. Thomas. Nevertheless the Averroes theories 
gained great influence and dominated many universities, particu- 
larly in Italy. 

St. Thomas held that reason and faith constitute two harmonious 
realms in which the truths of faith complement those of reason. 
Both are gifts of God, but reason has an autonomy of her own. 
The first principle of philosophy according to St. Thomas is the 
affirmation of being. For man, all knowledge begins by way of the 
senses, which are the medium by which he grasps the intelligible 
world, the universal. The form of the universal may be said to 
exist in three ways, in God, in things, and in the mind. It is by 
the knowledge of things that we come to know of God's existence. 
In the natural order what God is can be known only by analogy 
and negation. St. Thomas' conviction that the existence of God 
can be discovered by reason is shown by his proofs of the existence 
of God. 

Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860), the German philosopher — 
friendless, never married, and estranged from his mother — may 
be said to be the father of organized pessimism. The essence of 
his philosophy, growing out of Kantian idealism, is that true 
reality, expressing itself through all things, is a blind impelling 
force which is manifest in individuals as a will to live. The 
world is a place of unsatisfied wants, of pain. Pleasure is simply 
the absence of pain; unable to endure, it brings only ennui. The 
constant mutual resistance of various wills cause continual strife 
as each individual attempts to fulfill the never fully satisfied 
wants of his restless will. His stress on this strength of the 
"impelling will" has been strongly influential in both philosophy 
and psychology. 

Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche (1844-1900) left a strong impression 
on various aspects of German thought. He preached the superior- 
ity of the aristocrat, the morality of masters, in which a life by 
the might of its own superiority will survive. The will of man 
must create the superman, who would be above good and evil and 
would eradicate decadent democracy. 


Naturalism is the philosophic view that maintains that all 
explanation should keep within the realm of what is natural, and 


avoid all recourse to the supernatural. This philosophy holds 
that the universe requires no supernatural cause and government, 
but is self-existent, self-explanatory, self-operating, and self, 
directing. The world-process, from this viewpoint, is purposeless, 
and man is merely an incidental product of the senseless universe- 
existence. Human life, with all its variety of attributes, may be 
justified on natural grounds without recourse to God or to super- 
natural sanctions. Further, Naturalism conceives that man's 
highest good may be pursued and attained under natural condi- 
tions without expectation of a supernatural destiny. 

Dr. Sigmund Freud (1856-1939), Jewish Austrian psychiatrist, 
gave the world psycho-analysis. The great emphasis on sex, so 
prevalent in the Talmud, unquestionably influenced Freud's theories. 
As a Jew he hardly could have escaped the over-balanced impact 
of naked, unadorned sexuality that permeates the ancient book 
of the Law. He advanced the proposition that all human conduct 
— and mental ills, and many of their physical manifestations — have 
their origin in the sex instinct. His method consists in the use of 
such procedures as free association, automatic writing and dream- 
analysis for the purpose of recovering forgotten memories, 
suppressed desires and other subconscious debris which, according 
to Freud, exerts a disturbing influence on the conscious life of an 
individual. When the psychiatrist has succeeded in dragging the 
suppressed desires and hidden incidents from the patient's sub- 
conscious mind so that they may be viewed consciously, the 
patient is miraculously cured. Freud found it necessary to pre- 
suppose a subconscious mind. His second invention is the libido 
— a broad term that places all motivating impulse in the sex-drive. 
A Freudian complex is an emotional mechanism that sets up a 
mental-block or check-mate, thus holding back either a natural or 
perverted sex-drive. This check-mate is caused by a sense of guilt, 
a religious or ethical prohibition, or, prehaps by just a sense of 
decency. His theories include infantile incest desires. Dreams are 
disguised (in the degree of the individual sense of morality) wish- 
fulfillments. No matter what form the dream takes psychoanalysis 
interprets it in terms of sexuality. Sublimation is the Freudian 
term for the transference of a suppressed desire into something 
that may be talked about in polite company. There is always 
danger, asserts Freud, that the patient will transfer his or her 
suppressed desires to the psychiatrist. 

Came the materialists. Only matter is real; the only primordial 
or fundamental constituent of the universe. Mental entities, 
processes, or events are caused solely by material entities, 
processes or events and themselves have no causal effect. The 
universe is not governed by intelligence, purpose, or final causes. 


Nothing supernatural exists; nothing mental exists. Everything 
is explainable in terms of matter in motion. All qualitative differ- 
ences are reducible to quantitative differences. Wealth, bodily 
satisfactions and sensuous pleasures are either the only or the 
greatest values man can seek or achieve. Human actions and 
cultural change are determined solely or largely by economic 
factors. The end of free will and the dethronement of God! 

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A new force was suddenly unloosed in the world — hostility 
to God and religion. David Friedrich Straus wrote "The Life of 
Jesus" and believed that he had proved that the Gospels were 
without historical authenticity. Ludwig Feuerbach declared 
("Nature of Christianity") that men are without future until they 
cease being "the valets of His Heavenly Majesty." He went 
further (1839): "Christianity has in fact long vanished," he wrote, 
"not only from the reason but from the life of mankind." Feuer- 
bach's attack upon religion made him a hero with the revolution- 
aries of 1848-1849. 

The decline of Christianity had begun. 



BEFORE the Christian era a certain religious harmony reigned 
throughout the known world, and where the various nations 
did not in fact embrace the prevailing superstition, each nation 
accorded the others a modicum of religious toleration. Only the 
Jews withheld respect and withdrew in hostile bigotry. True, the 
Jews had borrowed many of their notions from surrounding 
tribes and nations, particularly the rite of circumcision (from 
the Egyptians), but they had lost remembrance of these things 
in the passage of time. Unsocial, obstinate, the Jews ill-concealed 
(if at all they tried) their implacable hatred of the goy. The 
Covenant with Abraham extended only to a single family, and 
Abraham's seed alone might share in its promises. Marriages 
with non-Jews were forbidden, and the non-Jew was forbidden 
in the community of Jews. There was no obligation to prosylyte, 
and the sons of the Covenant rarely offered a Gentile an 
opportunity to share Israel's exalted destiny. 

The destruction of the empty temple at Jerusalem and the wide 
dispersion of the Jews throughout the world (which, as has been 
said before, began several hundreds of years before the fall of 
Jerusalem) failed to change their unsocial and sullen attitude. 
They shunned and despised the strangers whose hospitality they 
sought, and scoffed at the laws of their adopted countries with the 
same intensity. Moreover they demanded of the adopted countries 
that they be permitted to live by their own law, and succeeded 
in securing many concessions to the amazement and wonder of the 
native populations. 

Christianity, pure and humble, obscure, and despised by pagan 
and Jew alike, emerged gradually. Its teachers spoke of the 
unity of God, and preached the gentle doctrines of Jesus. It 
carried with it the strength of the law of Moses, revitalized and 
cleansed of Jewish exclusiveness. The Christian teachers pro- 
claimed the divine authority of Moses and the prophets and, by 
the Holy Scripture, established the divinity of Jesus. The Jews 
in their vanity, had interpreted the prophesies as proclaiming 
the coming of a Messiah, who, with sword and armies, would 
conquer the world. This "Messiah", who was yet to appear, 
would establish the sovereignty of the sons of Israel over the 

The Crucifixion, however, had forever repudiated the sacrifices 
of the temple and the Jewish ambition of world conquest. The 
Jewish dream of divine special favor over all mankind had no part 



in the doctrines of Christianity. The Cross dispelled that narrow, 
selfish myth. Salvation was for all; God's mercy and love en- 
compassed everyone, everywhere; poor, rich, the slave and the 
prince. No one was excluded. All one had to do was to believe; 
to accept. 

And the Jews loathed the doctrines that disenfranchised them 
as the "chosen" of Jehovah. 

No where in the laws of Moses is there a doctrine that admits 
of the soul of man. The prophets of the Old Testament inferentially 
leave the impression of life after death. The Bibical history of the 
Jews indicates concern only with present existence. By traditional 
authority the Pharisees added a future state of rewards and 
punishment, which doctrines were embraced by the Jews. 
Immortality of the soul, however, became divine truth only through 
the example and authority of Christ. 


The Jews generally exerted great influence at the court of Rome. 
From the capital they spread into other parts of Italy. Frequently 
expelled from the cities and provinces where they settled, they 
were as frequently readmitted. The emperors alternated between 
harsh measures and extraordinary special privileges. The 
oppressive measures were seldom executed or were lightly applied, 
and succeeding governments were busy either repealing the harsh 
laws of their successors or framing new ones to be repealed in 
turn. Generally the Jews fared well under the Roman Empire. 


Under the Lombards Jewish power and influence increased. 
When the Lombards embraced Christianity the Jews passed under 
the protection of the Popes. As the Jewish merchants grew and 
prospered in the principal cities, their influence and special pro- 
tection expanded. A nephew of Rabbi Nathan ben Jehiel became 
administrator of the property of Alexander III. Under Norman 
rule the power and influence of the Jews became so great in 
southern Italy and Sicily that they were given complete jurisdiction 
of their own affairs — a special concession afforded no other alien 
group. Isaac ben Mordecai became physician to the Pope. 

When Pope John XXII contemplated a ban against the Jews, 
King Robert of Sicily was induced to intercede in their behalf, 
which he did, dissuading the Pope in his purpose. The synod 
convoked by the Jews at Bologna sent a deputation to Pope Martin 
V with costly gifts, requesting the repeal of the laws decreed by 
Benedict XIII. Pope Martin not only acceded to their prayer, but 
restored their special status. While Pope Eugenius reenacted the 
laws issued by Benedict, his bull (official order from the Pope) 
was neglected and unenforced in Italy. Many of the Jews in 
Venice, Genoa, Florence and elsewhere were bankers, and held 


the commercial interests of those centers in their hands. In spite 

of the papal bull, their position became stronger than before. 

It became easy for them to obtain permission to establish banks 

and to engage in financial transactions. The Bishop of Mantua 

was prevailed upon to grant permission to the Jewish bankers 

to lend money at interest. All banking and financial transactions 

in Tuscany were in the hands of a Jew named Jehiel of Pisa. 

William of Portaleone became physician to the King of Naples 

and to the ducal houses of Sforza and Gonzaga. 

Jewish exiles from Spain found refuge and protection under 
King Ferdinand I of Naples. Don Isaac Abravanel was given a 
position at the Neopolitan court, which he retained under 
Alfonso II. Jehiel and his sons, of Pisa, were sufficiently influential 
with Duke Hercules I of Ferrara and Tuscany to assure welcome 
for other Spanish Jews in his domain. 

Isaac Abravanel and his sons became great favorites at the 

Naples court, and consequently exerted a great influence in behalf 

of the native Jews. At Ferrara, Abraham ben Mordecai Farissol 

enjoyed the protection of Hercules I. 


Cabalistic doctrines were introduced into Italy in the sixteenth 
century by Abraham Levita, Baruch of Benevento, and Judah 
Hayyat. Prominent Christians, such as Algidius da Viterbo and 
Reuchlin, became devoted cabalists. A German Jew by the name 
of Asher Lammlein, pretending to be a prophet, appeared in 
Istria, and announced the coming of the "real" Messiah in 1502. 
Many Christians believed him. 


David Reubeni, a swarthy dwarf wearing an Oriental costume, 
suddenly appeared in Rome in the early part of 1524 riding a 
white horse. Jewish supporters greeted him with enthusiasm. 
He sought an audience with Pope Clement VII and was received 
with the pomp and circumstance accorded an ambassador. He 
proposed a crusade against the Turks which proposal apparently 
met with some approval. 

Reubeni was an unusual product of the Jewish nation, even in 
an age that was producing unusual Jews in every part of the 
known world. In Egypt Reubeni posed as a descendant of 
Mohammed, while he represented himself to the Jews as the envoy 
of a large Jewish kingdom in the East. A Jewish painter named 
Moses, and Felice, a Jewish merchant, financed his journey to 
Rome. He told Pope Clement VII that his brother Joseph ruled 
over a great Jewish kingdom in Arabia "where the sons of 
Abraham dwelt near the fabled Sambation River." He carried 
credentials from Portugese captains confirming his pretensions. 
The Portugese minister, Miguel da Silva, suggested to his court 


the feasibility of utilizing Reubeni's mission to secure allies in 
the efforts of the Portugese against Salim I, who had seized Egypt 
in 1521 and diverted the spice trade. 

Benvenida Abravanel, wife of Samuel, and the heirs of Jehiel 
of Pisa, provided Reubeni with funds to go to Almeira, where 
he secured an audience with King John III of Portugal. The king 
was evidently deeply impressed with the strange ambassador. He 
promised him eight ships and 4,000 cannon, but apparently thought 
better of it, as there is no record of the promise being fulfilled. 

Donna Gracia Mendesia Nasi, daughter of a Jewish banker in 
Portugal, patronized on occasion by Charles V, migrated to Turkey. 
Here her influence was so great that Sulaiman was persuaded to 
force the Pope to free all of the Turkish Jews imprisoned at 


The Jews had little success in influencing Pope Paul IV, and 
as a result they united with the Jews of the Levant to boycott 
the port of Ancona and stop all commercial relations with the 
papal state. The plan nearly succeeded, and probably would have, 
had not the Pope, by virtue of his supreme authority, called on 
Christendom to help put a stop to it. The city, nevertheless, was 
almost ruined. As a result of the boycott Jewish influence waned 
for a time in Italy. The Duke of Urbino withdrew his protection, 
and the Duke of Ferrara thereafter was less favorably disposed 
toward the peculiar people. 

■k -k -k -k -k -k 

Converted and baptized Jews throughout history have been the 
most implacable enemies of the Talmud. Having had a more 
thorough training and understanding of this strange work, the 
Jewish convert to Christianity has been notable in his condemna- 
tion of it. For a time, however, cabalistic works — particularly 
the Holy Book of the Cabala, the Zohar — was looked upon favor- 
ably by Christians, and was not included in the edicts of destruction. 
The dual morality of the Talmud — justice and fair dealing with 
the Jew and the contrary in Jewish-Gentile relations — did violence 
to the Christian concept of justice to all. Hence, after such 
manifestations of its appliation to Christians, the Talmud was 
blamed. Therefore the burning of twelve thousand Hebrew 
volumes in Cremona in May of 1559 by order of the governor of 
Milan, while not to be condoned, is understandable. The destruc- 
tion of the Hebrew books did little to appease the smoldering 
hatred the Jews entertained for the Christians, but it did bring 
about a degree of caution. The Soncinos, with printing-presses in 
various cities, in Lombardy, Constantinople and Prague, by a large 
gift of money, secured permission from Pope Pius IV to reprint 
the Talmud. The permission was granted on the condition that the 


work be published under another name and that all libel against 
Jesus and Christianity be omitted. The Talmud was immediately 
reprinted at Basel. 

Jewish historians, it should be noted, always omit the reasons 
for Christian objection to the Talmud. They would leave the 
impression that some instinctive meanness in the Christian heart 
caused him to make bonfires of the books throughout the centuries. 
The modern Jewish "defense agencies" do not attempt to burn 
Christian books. They resort to more subtle means in destroying 
"Christological" manifestations, and look upon any public Christian 
ceremony as "anti-Semitic." It is quite obvious that the Christians 
looked upon the Talmud as anti- Christian, and, after the custom 
of the times, sought its destruction. 

It is important to examine the manner in which Pope Pius' 
permission to reprint the Talmud was handled by the Jews. In 
1631 a council of Jewish elders convened in Poland. As a result 
of their deliberations they addressed a circular letter to the Jewish 
communities, which reads as follows: 

"Great peace to our beloved brethren of the house of Israel. 
Having received information that many Christians have applied 
themselves with great care to acquire the knowledge of the 
language in which our books are written, we therefore enjoin 
you, under penalty of the great ban (to be infllicted upon such 
of you as shall transgress this our statute), that you do not 
in any new edition either of the Mishna or Gemara, publish 
anything relative to Jesus of Nazareth; and you are to take 
special care not to write anything concerning him, either good 
or bad, so that neither ourselves nor our religion may be 
exposed to any injury. For we know what these men of Belial, 
the Mumrim, have done to us, when they become Christians, 
and how their representations against us have obtained credit. 
If you should not pay strict attention to this letter, but 
act contrary thereto, and continue to publish our books in the 
same manner as before, you may occasion, both to us and 
yourselves, greater afflictions than we have heretofore experi- 
enced, and be the means of our being compelled to embrace 
the Christian religion, as we were formerly: and thus our 
latter troubles might be worse than the former. For these 
reasons we command you that if you publish any new edition 
of those books, let the places relating to Jesus of Nazareth 
be left blank, and fill up the space with a circle like this 0. 
But the rabbis and teachers of children will know how to 
instruct the youth by word of mouth . . ." 

Solomon of Udine was the Turkish ambassador sent to Venice 
to negotiate the peace treaty with the republic, which was 
accomplished in July of 1574. The Senate doubted that it might 
properly negotiate with an international Jew who owed allegiance 
only to the Jewish nation and could not possibly be said to truly 
represent the Turkish government. Through the influence of the 
Venetian diplomats and particularly of the consul, Marc Antonio 


Barbaro, Udine was ultimately received with great honors at the 

palace of the doges. Because of his position Udine was able to 

influence the authorities in favor of the Jews of Venice and to 

avert a threatened edict of their expulsion. He was able to bring 

Jacob Soranzo, agent of the republic at Constantinople, to Venice. 

It appears that Udine spent more time and energy in behalf of 

the Jews than he did on behalf of Turkey. In addition to averting 

the threatened edict of expulsion he was able to exact a promise 

that such a decree should never be reissued and, furthermore, that 

the Jews who had already left Venice should be allowed to return 

and take up their former pursuits without molestation. Loaded 

down with gifts and honors, Udine returned to Constantinople, 

where he was greeted by the Turkish Jews as a conquering hero. 

The victorious armies of the Turks rolled over Christian nations 
to the very walls of Vienna (1683). The Jewish communities of 
Italy, of course, cheered and supported the Moslem onslaught 
against Christianity and, as the consequence thereof, further 
aroused the Italian Christians against them. Support of Turkish 
arms and objectives were little disguised by the Jewish communities. 
The Christian populace of Italy were quite understandably aroused 
against the Jews because of their sympathies and support of the 
Turkish onslaught on the Christian world. In Padua the cloth- 
weavers attacked the ghetto, as the Turks pounded against the 
walls of Vienna. The Jews were saved by the governor, who, 
acting on strict orders from Venice, drove back the infuriated 
Christians with the greatest difficulty. The ghetto was placed under 
special guard until the indignation of the Christian populace 
died down. 


Napoleon convened the ancient Sanhedrin (which actualy had 
never ceased to exist in one form or another and under various 
names and for disguised purposes) in Paris in 1807. The Jewish 
communities of Italy sent four deputies, Abraham Vita da Cologna, 
Isaac Benzion Segre, Graziado Neppi and Jacob Israel Karnic. 
Cologna and Segre were elected first and second vice-presidents, 
respectively, of the Sanhedrin. The down-fall of Napoleon destroyed 
to some extent the open recognition of the Jews as a special nation 
within nations. In 1829, however, on authority of Emperor Francis 
I, the Jews established a rabbinical college in Padua, from which 
institution there issued many rabbis who distinguished themselves 
in a modernized and restrained school of Judaism. 

In 1859 the papal states of Italy became a united kingdom under 
King Victor Emanuel II. The work of Moses Mendelssohn for 
Jewish "emancipation" through an apparent adoption of the 
countries of birth, exerted a strong influence on the Jews of Italy, 
as indeed it did throughout Europe. Wherever the tyranny of 


self-imposed segregation freed Jews from the mental chains of the 
Talmud and the obsession of world dominion, Jews became inte- 
grated with their Christian neighbors. Many, of course, merely 
adopted the costumes and customs of the Gentiles and used their 
new positions of power for a more subtle and more effective 
strategy of conquest. Others were sincere, and free of the impelling 
persuasion of the rabbis, succumbed to the more gentle influences 
of Christian doctrines, if not to actual conversion. The inevitable 
result of the Mendelssohn doctrines, although not so intended, was 
complete and final integration through marriage. If the ancestors 
of the sullen, sleeping hordes of Khazars fermenting in Russia and 
Poland had not accepted Judaism in the eighth century, the peace 
of mankind in the twentieth century might have been assured. 

Jewish influence continued in Italy under the United Kingdom. 
Isaac Pesaro Maurogonato had become minister of finance to the 
Venetian republic during the war of 1848 against Austria. A 
rabbinical college was established in Rome in 1887, but was later 
transferred to Florence. Jewish periodicals flourished and rabbinical 
attempts at continuance of the Jewish myth of world domination 
persisted, although with less intensity. Imposing temples arose in 
Milan, Modena, Florence, Turin, and even in Rome, replacing the 
old synagogues. Choirs were added, rituals were shortened, and 
the sermons became more general in scope. More and more Jews 
found important positions in the Italian government. Leone 
Wollemberg became minister of finance in 1901. Luigi Luzzatti 
mas minister of finance in 1903. Ottolenghi was minister of war 
in 1902-3. Peace appeared to have come to Italy and the world. 

■k -k -k -k -k -k 

Jewish coins unearthed in ancient Tarragona is evidence of an 
early settlement of Jews in Spain. They spread over the Pyrenean 
peninsula after the third century. The animosity and anti- Christian 
activities of the Jews in the Roman empire prompted the Christian 
councils in Spain of the early fourth century to enact decrees pro- 
hibiting the Christians from living with the Jews. King Recared 
(586-589), after his conversion to Christianity, prohibited the Jews 
from owning Christian slaves (Council of Toledo, 589) and barred 
them from holding public office. He made the circumcision of a 
slave or of a Christian punishable by the confiscation of property. 
The Visigothic nobility, however, ignored the decrees of Recared 
and protected the Jews in the traffic of Christian slaves, and 
refused to enforce the laws against them generally. King Sisebut, 
a successor of Recared, however, made an earnest effort to enforce 
the laws and ordered the Jews to release their Christian slaves 
within a given time and forbid the Jews to hold any slaves in 
the future. The obstinacy of the Jews finally outraged Sisebut 
and, in desperation, he ordered all Jews to submit to baptism 


within a year or leave the Visigothic Kingdom forever. Some 
90,000 professed to embrace Christianity, but many left the country 
rather than submit to such an odious fate. During the reign of 
Suintala, however, the fugitives returned and the baptized Jews 
repudiated Christianity and returned to Judaism. As a result of 
these events Suintala was forced to abdicate to be succeeded by 

The council called at Toledo by Chintila not only confirmed the 
laws against Jewish enslavement of Christians, but decreed that 
no Jew might henceforth remain in the country, and that every 
future king, at his accession to the throne, must take an oath to 
enforce the laws in respect to the Jews. The pseudo-Christians 
presented the king with a written declaration vowing that they 
would henceforth live as good Catholics. The king took them at 
their word and permitted them to remain in the country. With 
the accession of Chindaswind, however, they again repudiated 
Christianity and returned openly to Judaism. King Receswind, 
exasperated at their hypocrisy, resorted to extreme measures, more 
in keeping with the barbarity of the times than with the doctrines 
of Christianity. Again the Jews vowed that they would comply 
with the laws and observe Church regulations, but, as before, 
they continued in their accustomed manner. The laws for the 
regulation of the indigestible elements within their midst were 
accepted by the twelfth Toledan Council, presided over by Arch- 
bishop Julian of Toledo, a former Jew himself. 

Egica, in the beginning of his reign, was favorably inclined 
toward the Jewish communities, but their treasonable alliance 
with Arabs who threatened his kingdom compelled him to take 
drastic action against them. As has been the practice against 
traitors from the beginning of time, the king confiscated their 

Witiza, the son of Egica, apparently a convert of the Jews, or 
merely corrupt, recalled the exiled Jews, granted them extra- 
ordinary privileges, and placed them in public offices. The Jews, 
in alliance with their brethren in Africa, conspired with the 
Mohammedans and opened the door to them for the conquest of 
Spain. The Jews fought the Spaniards with fanatical zeal at the 
battle of Jerez (711) under Kaula al-Yahudi. The last Gothic King, 
Rodrigo, and his nobles were slain and the conquerors Musa and 
Tarik were everywhere victorious. As a reward for their treachery 
the Arabs gave the Jews of Cordova, Malaga, Grenada, Seville, 
and Toledo full charge of those cities. Reenforced by the Jews 
who had followed the Arab conquerors, the Spanish Jews now 
became the dominant power in the territories they governed. 
Southern Spain became a mecca for the Jews from Northern Spain 
and elsewhere. 


Under the Mohammedan rule of southern Spain the Jews 
achieved great influence and power. Hasdai ben Isaac Ibn Shaprut 
became court physician and minister to Abd al-Rahman. Moses 
ben Enoch was appointed rabbi of Cordova. Spain became the 
center of Talmudic study, and Cordova the center of Judaism. 

The intrigue that attended the struggle between Sulaiman ibn al 
Hakim and Mohammed ibn Hisham for the seat of power vacated 
by the downfall of Al-Hakim, reacted to the detriment of the Jews, 
Mohammed had the support of the wealthy Jewish merchants, who 
through their money and influence sought and obtained for him 
the aid of Count Ramon of Barcelona. Sulaiman looked on their 
partisanship as treachery and expelled them from the country 

The fall of Banu Amir marked the end of Mohammedan power 
in Spain. The califate of Cordova was divided into twelve minor 
states under as many califs. 


Samuel ha-Levi ibn Nagdela (Nagrela) won the favor of the 
vizier of King Habus of Grenada and became his private secretary, 
At the death of the vizier the king made Samuel his minister and 
entrusted him with the administration of diplomatic affairs. Upon 
the death of Habus, Samuel threw his influence on, the side of 
Badis and against his elder brother Balkin. He was an important 
factor in making Badis king over Balkin who legally should have 
succeeded his father. Samuel continued his position of influence 
under Badis and was thereby enabled to advance the position of 
the Jews within the kingdom. 

Jekuthiel ibn Hasan held a similar position in Saragossa. Abu 
Husain Joseph ibn Nagdela (Samuel's son) succeeded his father as 
minister to the king in Grenada. Both Jekuthiel and Abu Husain 
were found guilty of treason. Abu Husain had held office for eleven 
years. The Moslems crucified him before the gate of Grenada in 
December of 1066. The populace were inflamed and fell upon 
those Jews who had not fled. It is reported that fifteen hundred 
families fell victim to the rage of the Mohammedans. Islam did 
not move to protect them. As a result of this incident all the 
Jews left Grenada. 

Abu al-Fadl ibn Hasdai became vizier in Saragossa. Isaac ibn 
Albalia was appointed astronomer to Mohammed al-Mu'tamid in 
Seville. Joseph ibn Migas was employed by Al-Mu'tamid on 
diplomatic missions. 

Jewish influence continued in Islam. 

Yusuf ibn Tashfin was the victor at the battle of Zallaka (1086) 
and the sovereign power fell to the Almoravides. Yusuf ibn 
Tashfin endeavored to win the large and wealthy community of 


Jews of Lucena to Islam without success. Under the reign of 

Yusufs son, Ali (1106-43) many Jews were appointed "Mushawirah" 

— collectors and cusodians of the royal taxes. Others secured 

positions as "viziers" or "nasi." The Jewish communities of Seville, 

Cordova and Grenada prospered. 


Abdallah ibn Tumart and his armies swept along North Africa 
scoring victory after vitory, carrying by sword and flame the 
"true" teaching of Mohammed. Abd al-Mu'min succeeded to leader- 
ship upon Tumart's death, and invaded southern Spain for the 
conquest of the Almoravides. Within a year the whole of Andalusia 
was in the possession of Almohades. In Spain, as in Africa, the 
Jews were compelled to accept the Koran and the faith of Islam. 
Jewish educational institutions were closed and the synagogues, 
which had attained magnificence, were everywhere destroyed. 

The treachery of the Jews against the Christian princes of Spain 
long remained in Spanish memory. The Jews, therefore, did not 
fare well under the first kings of Leon. In their struggle against 
the Moors the Spaniards did not spare the Jews. But the Christian 
leaders realized the power and influence of the Jewish financiers 
and, as the struggle with Islam became more desperate, they sought 
their uncertain support. Garcia Fernandez, Count of Castile, made 
many concessions and similar actions were taken by the Council 
of Leon in 1020, presided over by Alfonso V. Treachery and double- 
dealing on the part of the Jews, however, forced the Council of 
Coyanza (1050) to revive some of the old Visigothic laws. 

Alfonso VI, the conqueror of Toledo (1085), in an attempt to win 
over the wealthy and influential Jews who continued to support 
the Moors in their conquest of Spain, made further concessions 
and provided special privileges for them. The example set by 
Alfonso was followed in Aragon and Navarre. Thus sharp com- 
petition for the Jews' uncertain favor stimulated the Christians 
and Islam. In spite of royal protection and the establishment of 
special privileges, or perhaps because of them, the populace of 
Toledo, after the disastrous battle of Ucles, fell on the Jewish 
community and killed many of them, burning their dwellings and 
synagogues. Alfonso was helpless to defend them. After Alfonso's 
death new riots occurred in Carrion and many Jews were slain 
or imprisoned. The Spanish populace thoroghly distrusted the 
Jews, and the lavish concessions conferred on them by Alfonso 
further exasperated them as the struggle against the invading 
Moor continued to go against them. 

Alfonso VII became Emperor of Leon, Toledo and Santiago upon 
the death of his father, and at first curtailed many of the special 
privileges granted the Jews by Alfonso VI. Jewish influence won 
him over and he soon restored the former privileges and granted 


additional ones. Judah ben Joseph ibn Ezra (Nisi) gained great 
influence with him, and, in addition to making him commander 
of the fortress, the king apointed him his court chamberlain. 
He was able not only to persuade the king to admit into Toledo 
the Jews who fled from the Moors, but to provide dwellings for 
the fugitives in Flascala and other places. 

Under Alfonso VIII the Jews gained even greater influence, due 
to the king's romance with the Jewess Rachel (Fermosa) of Toledo. 
The Spanish populace attributed the king's defeat at the battle of 
Alarcos by the Almohades under Yusuf Abu Ya'kub al-Mansur to 
some treachery of Rachel, and she and her relatives were killed 
by the nobility in Toledo. 

The emir Mohammed al-Nasir, after the victory at Alarcos, 
devastated Castile and threatened the whole of Christian Spain, 
With the assistance of the Crusaders and money borrowed from 
the wealthy Jews, particularly from Nasi Joseph ben Solomon ibn 
Shoshan — the sum of 18,000 golden maravedis — the Moorish tide 
of conquest was stopped. 


Ferdinand III united the kingdoms of Leon and Castile. Neither 
Ferdinand III nor James I of Aragon trusted the Jews, but both 
monarchs turned to them in time of war, and rewarded them by 
appointing them secretaries and tax-collectors. Both kings per- 
mitted them to erect synagogues — Cordova in Castile, and Valencia 
in Aragon. 

Alfonso X, Ferdinand's son, appointed Meir de Malea and his 
sons, Isaac (Zag) and Joseph, as his treasurers. He appointed 
many other Jews as tax-collectors to the great indignation of the 
Christians who paid the taxes. He lavished special privileges on 
them, and gave them permission to build a magnificent synagogue 
in Toledo. He assigned houses, vineyards, and lands to the Jews 
who settled in St. Maria del Puerto. Before he died he condemned 
to death Zag de Malea for giving the infante Sancho a large sum 
of money from the treasury. The Jews threw their influence behind 
the infante and succeeded in dethroning Alfonso. His son suc- 
ceeded him as Sancho IV. 


The Jewish source of wealth in Spain, as in other parts of the 
Christian world, was money-lending. The Christians paid them 
from twenty to twenty-five percent. The high rates of interest 
charged plus the minute exactations of collection did little to endear 
the Jews to their customers. In addition, it was the Jew who was 
the tax-collector. The Christian therefore could hardly look upon 
this peculiar people without a sense of pain. They appeared alien; 
although they spoke Spanish they were not of Spain. Growing 
protests against their rapacious usury and ruthlessness in tax- 


collecting arose throughout Spain until the Cortes might no longer 

disregard the clamor. The kings, however, because of greed as 

well as need, continued to bestow special privileges and honors 

on the Jews who served them, and to extend those privileges and 

honors to the Jewish communities as additional favors. 

Among the special privileges conferred on the Jews was criminal 
and civil jurisdiction over their communities. The exercise of judicial 
authority contrary to the law of the land has always been a chief 
demand wherever the Jews have settled in numbers great enough 
to support it. The concept of a "nation within a nation" — such 
except in cases of imposition by a dominant power over a conquered 
as exists under this type of dispensation — has rarely been possible 
or subservient nation. The denial to Jews of the privilege of 
juridical authority has always been greeted by the familiar Jewish 
cry of "persecution." The "oppression" by the Christians is, in 
many cases, the refusal of nations to accede to these unreasonable 
and totally incomprehensible demands. Spanish kings were gen- 
erous on the whole, in granting these powers to the Jews, to the 
indignation of their native subjects. 

Maria de Molina succeeded to the throne of Ferdinand. Although 
she continued to employ Jewish tax-collectors and had a Jew, Rabbi 
Don Mosse (Moussi) as her steward of the household, she took 
all civil and criminal processes away from the rabbis and ordered 
all such matters to be brought before local magistrates for 
adjudication. John Manuel, however, at the request of Judah ben 
Isaac ibn Wakar of Cordova, restored the criminal jurisdiction 
to the rabbinate. 

Only the Christian clergy appeared to side with the Christian 
artisans and peasants who labored under the burdens imposed by 
the Jewish money-lenders and tax-collectors. The clergy, immersed 
in theology and understanding more of Jewish motivation than 
the lay Christian, foresaw a rising Jewish domination over Spain 
that threatened the very existence of Christianity. The rise of 
synagogues of great splendor throughout the cities of Spain, the 
private law courts, the wealth and position of great Jewish families 
often goaded the Christian population to acts of violence against 
the Jews. 

In Seville the popular feeling against the Jews grew in smolder- 
ing intensity. Alfonso XI of Castile extended his protection, but 
increased the Jewish taxes. Nevertheless he appointed Joseph 
ben Ephraim Benveniste ha-Levi as his "Almoxarife". Beneviste's 
influence with Alfonso was so great that the Cortes of Madrid 
complained about it. A deep bitterness seized the Spaniards and 
spread to the grandees, who endeavored to rid the government of 
Benveniste. Instead Benveniste was elevated to a higher position: 


treasurer. Meanwhile the king's physician and favorite, Samuel ibn 
Wakar, had obtained permission to mint coins. Both Benveniste 
and Wakar were convicted of having stolen from the government, 
their fortunes were confiscated, and they were imprisoned. Two 
other Jews, Moses Abudial and Ibn Ya'ish, escaped the same fate 
by the use of large sums of money. 


Pedro I, followed his father, Alfonso XI. Under his reign the 

Jews virtually governed the country. He is known in history as 

"the heretic," and "the cruel," and, because he surrounded himself 

with Jews his court was referred to as "the Jewish court." His 

reign is chiefly distinguished by civil war. Samuel Levi was 

Pedro's chief treasurer, confidant and companion. Levi, of course, 

was particularly despised by Pedro's subjects, and the popular 

feeling against him intensified the general ill-feeling toward the 

Jewish population. Involved ultimately in a conspiracy Levi was 

arrested and taken to Seville where he was imprisoned and died. 

He had amassed a fabulous fortune, which was confiscated by the 

state. His relatives, several of whom were tax-collectors, were 

also arrested, and their great fortunes also confiscated. Vast 

hordes of silver and gold were found secreted in underground 

cellars of the "Palacio del Judio," Levi's palace, bv his successor, 

Martin Yanez de Sevilla. 

Pedro was beheaded by Henry and Du Guesclin on March 14, 1369. 

Henry de Trastamara ascended the throne as Henry II. He was 
very bitter against the Jews because of their support of his half- 
brother Pedro, but he found that he could not dispense with their 
financial assistance. He employed many wealthy Jews as financial 
councilors and tax-collectors. Joseph Pichon of Seville became 
his chief tax-collector. The Cortes of Toro in 1371 resounded with 
protests against Jewish domination of the court and the grandees. 
Henry made a few concessions but refused to withdraw the exercise 
of criminal jurisdiction from the rabbinate. 

In the Cortes of Soria (1380) it was decreed that rabbis, or 
heads of aljamas would henceforth be forbidden to inflict upon 
Jews the penalties of death, mutilation, expulsion, or excommunica- 
tion. In civil matters the Jews were permitted to select their 
own judges. Jewish prayers cursing Christians were forbidden. 
In spite of these reforms, or perhaps because of them, hatred of 
the Jews grew in such intensity that the king, in order to protect 
them, imposed an arbitrary fine of 6,000 maravedis on any town 
in which a Jew was found murdered. In 1365 the king, against 
his wishes, issued an order prohibiting the employment of Jews as 
financial agents or tax-farmers. 


In 1391 riots against the Jews broke out in Seville and Cordova. 


Two of the mob leaders were ordered arrested and publicly 
whipped by the governor of Seville, which inspired the populace 
to greater exasperation. Jews were attacked everywhere; Jewish 
homes, factories and warehouses were burned. Spanish police and 
authorities did everything within their power to protect the Jews, 
but the long smoldering grievances of the oppressed and victimized 
Christians had reached the saturation point. Many Jews fled the 
country and many submitted to baptism. 

John I of Aragon ran down twenty-five leaders of the anti- 
Jewish rioters and had them publicly executed in Barcelona. 

The Inquisition was inaugurated for the purpose of checking on 
converted Jews. Thousands had accepted baptism and posed as 
Christians (the Marranos). Many actually became Christians, and 
some, such as Solomon ha-Levi (Paul de Santa Maria) and Joshua 
Lorqui (Geronimo de Santa Fe) became the most bitter critics 
of the Jews. 


Abraham Benveniste became the adviser and confidant of John II. 
Jews were again appointed tax collectors. Jewish religious and 
internal affairs were reorganized. The Jewish judicial system was 
reestablished. If a Jew instituted proceedings before a Christian 
judge he was liable to a heavy fine. The Jews again prospered 
in Castile. 

The Spanish Jews were fond of luxury. Their women wore 
expensive clothing and were adorned with costly jewels, which 
caused considerable envy and jealousy among the less fortunate 
Christians. They were quarrelsome and arrogant. Many were 
inclined to robbery and often attacked and insulted each other 
even in the synagogues and prayer-houses, frequently inflicting 
wounds with the rapier or sword which they usually carried. 
Many Jews had two wives, which privilege, however, was conferred 
by royal permission. 

Frequent sentences of excommunication were imposed by the 
rabbis on members of Jewish congregations. Vigorous persecution 
of the Karaites (a Jewish sect) by the Jews was carried on until 
they were totally suppressed. 

■k -k -k -k -k -k 

Under Henry IV of Castile (1454-74) and John II of Aragon 
(1456-79) the Jews again came to positions of influence and power. 
The various enactments of the Cortes against the Jews were 
ignored by the king, the dukes and the grandees. Even bishoprics 
employed Jews as tax-collectors. 

■k -k -k -k -k -k 

The dawn of the fifteenth century dimly illuminated a dying 
world. Western Europe cast grotesque shadows before the dancing 
flames of expiring Christendom. Islam was on the march. 


Christianity was crumbling under repeated blows that increased 
in steady crescendo. The Turks were over-running Asia Minor 
and lower Hungary. They were in control of most of the Balkans, 
By mid-century they would be masters of Constantinople and 
Greece. The insistent cries of the Popes, calling on the rulers of 
Europe to unite for the defense of Christendom, went unheeded. 
The Spaniards would never forget that it was the Jews who 
invited the Mohammedans into Spain, and opened the gates of the 
cities to the invaders. The Spaniards were driven into the little 
kingdom of the Asturias in the mountains of the north, from 
where they prepared for the reconquest of their country. Meanwhile 
the hordes of Islam invaded France along the Mediterranean, 
to be stopped at last by Charles Martel. 

Spain, however, was still lost to Christendom. The voice of 
Pope Innocent III was finally heard and ten thousand knights and 
a hundred thousand infantrymen arrived from France and Germany 
to reinforce the armies of Castile and Aragon. The Saracen hordes 
went down to defeat in the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212. 
At the beginning of the fifteenth century the Mohammedans held 
only Grenada, but it was protected by formidable strongholds and 
constituted a continuous threat to Spain. Unlimited reinforcements 
and supplies were available to the Moors from Africa and Spain's 
seven hundred years of sacrifice trembled in the balance so long 
as Islam retained its foothold in the country. 

The political unity Ferdinand and Isabella brought to Spain 

supplied the lacking ingredient needed to complete the reconquest 

of Spain. The task of unification, however, was not an easy one. 

The country was neither of one race nor religion. The Jews 

constituted an indigestible element, refusing to assimilate; they 

were powerful and arrogant. The Marranos (so-called by the Jews 

from the Hebrew "Maranatha", meaning "the Lord is coming"), 

who professed Christianity but continued as "secret" Jews, 

numbered about three million of the population. They were 

extremely influential, possessed most of the wealth and political 

power, and controlled taxation. The Spaniards distrusted them, 

knowing that they despised Christianity. It was generally believed 

that they were in full sympathy with the Moors and that they 

would again betray Spain should a safe opportunity present itself. 

In June of 1485 the Jews and Marranos conspired to seize the city 
of Toledo during a procession on the feast of Corpus Christi. The 
plot was discovered in time and the conspirators were punished by 
the Inquisition. In 1488, on Good Friday, a rabbi and several 
Jews threw a large wooden crucifix into the dust at Casar de 

The reports of Jewish ritual murders continued throughtout the 


centuries with nagging persistency. The Spanish Christians firmly 
believed these stories. It is said that the Jews gave vent to their 
deep hatred for Christ and his teachings by crucifying Christian 
boys on Good Friday, or using wax images for the purpose when 
they might not safely abduct a child. The Jews have insisted that 
these stories were Christian fabrications for the purpose of stirring 
the people to do violence to the Jewish communities. While it 
may be reasonably conceded that such charges were made from 
time to time without justification, all of them cannot be summarily 
dismissed on the grounds of fanaticism and vindictiveness. The 
fact is that Jews were actually tried and convicted of such crimes. 
Bishop Juan Arias de Avila, a son of Jewish converts, pronounced 
the sentence of guilty on seventeen Jews of Segovia in 1468 for 
the crucifixion of a Christian boy. 

The crucifixion of a Christian boy at La Guardia- -the Santa Nino 
"Juan, son of Alonso Pasamontes and Juana La Guindera" — by 
certain Jews and conversos, appears to have been established by 
evidence that would support such a finding in a court of law today, 
in spite of the use of torture and the methods of the Inquisition. 
Two juries reviewed the evidence and unanimously found the ac- 
cused guilty as charged. The first jury was composed of Spain's most 
imminent men, several of whom were famous Renaissance scholars 
occupying the principal chairs at the University of Salamanca. The 
second jury was composed of five men in Avila. Twelve men, 
highly educated and bound by the most solemn oath, passed on 
the evidence and unanimously voted for conviction. 

Jewish writers, and particularly Dr. Meyer Kayserling, claim 

that Fernando was the grandson of a Jewess, Paloma of Toledo, 

but there is little historical evidence to support their contention. 

Zurita (Anales de la corona de Aragon) says that Fernando's 

maternal grandmother was Dona Marina de Cordoba. It would 

appear that the Jewish claim is founded solely on gossip. There 

is evidence that Paloma of Toledo was the wet-nurse of one of the 

ancestors of Fernando's grandfather, the Admiral Don Fadrique, 

a century before, in the reign of Pedro the Cruel. The Semitic 

characteristics attributed to Fernando appear in only one portrait 

and are not indicated in the others. Why Jewish authors desired 

to plant Jewish blood in one of the monarchs who expelled the 

Jews from Spain is something of a mystery. 

The Catholic monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, had little fond- 
ness for the Jews. The "conversos", (the Marranos — Jews who had 
pretended to accept Christianity) constituted the greatest problem 
at the beginning of their reign. Ferdinand commanded all "con- 
versos" to reconcile themselves with the Inquisition by the end 
of 1484 or suffer the consequences. The Moors held only a feeble 


grasp on Granada, but the monarchs and the people of Spain 
still feared an alliance of the Jews with their ancient enemy. 
Granada fell at last and Ferdinand and Isabella issued their joint 
decree expelling the Jews. (March 31, 1492.) One of the reasons 
given for the edict was that the converted Jews relapsed because 
of the proximity of the unconverted Jews who continually attempted 
to seduce them from Christianity. Isaac Abravanel offered the 
monarchs 600,000 crowns to withdraw the decree of expulsion, but 
the offer was refused. It is estimated that about 200,000 Jews left 
the country. 


Spain rose to its greatest glory after the expulsion of the Jews 
in 1492. A century later it became a world power under Phillip II. 
In 1580 the New World, Spanish Netherlands, and Portugal were 
under Phillip's banner. 


In 1858, during the republic, the edict of expulsion of the Jews 
was repealed through the influence of H. Guedalla of London. 

The historical position of Jewry in Europe is confused by both 
Gentile and Jewish historians, who, in strange servility on the part 
of the Gentile, and in the inherent pretense of the Jew, would 
picture the European Christian a blood-thirsty persecutor, and the 
Jewish sojourner an innocent victim. Such historical divisions as 
the "Dark Ages," the "Middle Ages," "Medieval," etc., conjure up 
impressions of the sinister, the cruel and barbarous. These appella- 
tions used in connection with the history of the Jews in Europe 
paint a bleak picture. Against this sullen background the Jew 
stands forth as a martyr. The boastfulness of the Jews — their 
great pretense; all this is understandable — and their historians 
merely run true to form. But why Christian historians would 
wish to distort history — or be willing to do so — is incomprehensible. 
Of course, this is not to say that all Christian historians have been 
guilty of this vice — and this too is a singular fact — the works of 
these historians are never in general circulation and their books 
are always difficult to find. 

For the first eighteen hundred years of Jewry's sojourn in 
Europe, the indicia of nationality was consanguinity. The place of 
birth was merely a statistical incident. That the accident of the 
place of birth should ipso facto confer the privileges and duties of 
nationality would have been unthinkable. The nations of Europe 
slowly developing from the blood-ties of family-tribal relations, 
were deeply steeped in the concept of adherence and cohesion 
through consanguinity. This concept was not only shared by the 
Jews; it was the major premise on which their very existence 
depended. It was the one important point of agreement between 


the Christian nations of Europe and the Jewish nation. A kitten 
born in an oven, as Wellington observed, does not make it a biscuit. 
Consequently the mere accident of the birth of a child of English 
or Jewish parents in Paris did not, of itself, confer French 
nationality. It is only within the last two hundred years that the 
place of birth has been recognized as conferring citizenship 
privileges and duties. And, again, this new principle is entirely 
unilateral; extended on the part of Christian nations to all races 
and nationalities, but rejected in essence by organized Jewry. Not 
that the Jews do not take full advantage of the privileges thus 
conferred. They do. But at the same time they vociferously insist 
that they are a separate nation; distinct and different — a nation 
within nations, and as such, still entitled to special and greater 
privileges than the ordinary citizen. 

Few reasonable men will attempt to refute the proposition that 
"a people within a people" (or a "state within a state") is in- 
compatible with social tranquility and the security of the state 
itseE Yet this is the exact situation that existed in every European 
country where the Jews resided. The Jews were not persecuted by 
Europe; Europe was persecuted by the Jews. 

What right did the Jews have in Europe? No one, so far, has 
attempted to establish a vestige of right for them in the countries 
they sought to exploit. Having no legal right in the nations of 
their sojourn, and being suffered to remain by Christian fore- 
bearance, what did the Jews do to justify the privilege? Did they 
behave in a manner designed to endear them to the Christian 
people they sought as neighbors? Why did they insist on living 
in the midst of a people whom they despised, and who, in turn, 
obviously disliked them? Were the peoples of England, Spain, 
France and Germany under some sort of obligation to these un- 
invited people? To ask these questions, of course, is to answer 

Christian Europe recognized the disruptive antagonism of Juda- 
ism. And Europe, in its various stages of development, was already 
overburdened with complex problems of survival. The Jewish 
question was an irritating factor that added an element of annoy- 
ance to the burden. Yet, Jewish apologists would have the modern 
world believe that the Christian nations of Europe had nothing 
better to do than mistreat the innocent Jews. These writers would 
leave the impression that the governments of Europe possessed 
no public revenues except from tax-levies upon Jews; that there 
was no money except Jewish money, and no learning except 
Jewish learning. 

The people of Italy, Spain, France and Germany regarded the 
Jews in their midst as a persistent fly that insists on lighting 
on one's nose on a hot day when both hands are busy. These 


people were preoccupied with the business of making a living- 
building cathedrals and castles, houses, roads and public works. 
They were fighting wars, tending flocks, ploughing fields, making 
love, marrying, bearing children, and dying. Occasionally the 
persistent fly on the nose had to be brushed away. At times it 
stung so sharply that attention from the work at hand was 
distracted, and resort to the fly-swatter became necessary. 

The Jews, excepting only themselves, condemned the whole 
human race. That general and conclusive condemation not only 
put the Gentile out of the Jewish concept of the divine order of 
things, it placed all Gentile humanity in the category of a 
commodity open to exploitation. He who would reap the harvest 
must seek the fields of productivity. So the Jews moved into the 
lucrative lands of Europe. 

France became conscious of its Jewish question in the centuries 
beginning with Pepin. The Jews were expelled three times and 
finally exiled in 1394. These alien people, living by their own laws, 
yet exploiting the country by trade and money-lending, never 
learned from one expulsion to the next that there were excesses 
that ultimately strained Christian forbearance to the breaking point. 
Yet Jewish apologists weep copious tears over these expulsions, 
indicting France as cruel and barbarous in its "persecution" of 
the Jews! 

Why has no one shed public tears over the expulsion of the 
Jesuits from France — and the other countries of Europe? Who, 
today, weeps at the wailing wall over the plight of Christians 
caught in the cross-currents of French political intrigue — Christians 
who fled the land of their birth, suffered exile and death, and 
whose property was confiscated when they were on the losing 
side of the argument? When the number of Christians who so 
suffered is tabulated it towers in gigantic proportions over the 
comparative infinitesimal number of Jews who allegedly suffered 
at the hands of Christian Europe. Yet these Christians sleep un- 
wept and unmourned in the annals of apologetic history. 

In Spain the Jew was on the side of the Moslem invader, even 
though the Moor had expelled him from Grenada in 1066. While 
unquestionably there was greater affinity between the Jew and 
the Moor, Jewish sympathy for Islam was not derived from a 
sense of love for the followers of Mohammed; it was because 
Jewry despised Christianity more intensely. The centuries had 
proved that the Jew was as incapable of living in tranquility with 
the Moslem as he was in living with the Christian. Jewry had 
been expelled from northern Africa and Moorish Spain from time 
to time, especially in what the Jews have called the Almohade 
"persecution" in 1146. Omar, the second Caliph, had banished all 
the Jews from Holy Arabia in 640. In 1172 they had been run out 


of Yemen. And they had not fared better in Persia, Babylon and 
Egypt. The expulsions of the Jews from Spain in 1492 — estimated 
as between 160,000 and 200,000 — has been the melancholy tale of 
Jewish writers ever since; a sad, sad story, depicting simultaneously 
the incredible cruelty of Ferdinand and Isabella and the Catholic 
Church, and the noble innocence of the Jews! Yet, a century later, 
Spain expelled a million Moriscos from its borders — two hundred 
thousands of whom perished in the exodus! The fact that this 
decree of banishment fails to solicite the sympathy and hot tears 
of the world can only be explained by the lack of clever propa- 
gandists in Islam. 

In view of their treachery to the Spaniards it would appear that 
the Jews of Spain fared very well indeed until their perfidy and 
deceit so aroused the authorities that their expulsion and the 
Inquisition were decreed. As has been seen, the heads of the 
Jewish communities, whether princes or rabbins, exercised both 
religious and civil authority, and maintained a full judicial tribunal 
in criminal as well as ecclesiastical matters. They had the power 
to pass sentences of capital punishment, and never hesitated to do 
so when occasion demanded. As late as 1391 they condemned to 
death Don Joseph Pichon. The Cortes and some of the monarchs 
had sought to deprive the Jews of this judicial power. John I 
finally put an end to the unconscionable policy. 

What caused the Jew to be so universally detested? He was 
unable to live in peace in Asia, Africa, or Europe. He came into 
Europe uninvited, and no one asked him to stay. He was always 
invited to leave, and always had to be driven out. He had no 
errand, no mission, no message for Europe. He had nothing in 
common with Europeans. As a matter of fact he despised them, 
and held nothing but contempt for their religion, their governments 
and their institutions. He was in Europe solely for his own 
purposes — to get a living through exploitation of the naive and 
gullible goy. He was a living parasite, drawing his sustenance 
from a long suffering host. And in coming he announced that 
he was the chosen of God; that he had given the Christian his 
Christ, and permitted the Christian to use the Jews' ancient Bible. 
All that the Christian had, averred this uninvited guest, he had 
received from the Jews. In his braggadocio he claimed everything 
Christian except Good Friday and Easter. 

It is not good public relations to pose as being "superior" among 
any people. It is downright stupid to do so in the midst of utter 
strangers. Particularly when you have not been invited. Superi- 
ority hardly needs a press agent. People have a faculty for 
recognizing superior qualities. The Europeans found nothing 
superior in their uninvited guests. On the contrary, they saw only 
greed, avarice, dishonesty, sly cunning and deceit in the peculiar 


people who were the chosen of Jehovah. They soon learned that 
in dealing with them they must be eternally alert. They ultimately 
concluded that this people of the Book had abandoned morals in 
pursuit of empty ceremonial. 

There was nothing tolerant about the Jew. Given the power he 
would have crushed Christianity into the dust and exterminated 
every Christian he might not sell into slavery. Whatever may be 
said concerning the methods of Christians in their attempts to 
cleanse heretical and subversive elements from Church and State 
may be said of the Jews whenever they had the opportunity and 
the power. And weighing the humanities the scales tip on the 
side of Christian compassion, a balance unknown to Judaism out- 
side the circle of the circumcised. Many Jews, pursued by the 
angry mob, have found refuge in the monastery, and safety behind 
the robes of the Bishop. Tolerance, however, was unknown in 

Baruch Spinoza (born Benedict de Spinoza, 1632-1677), is a case 
in point. He was the grandson of Abraham Michael de Spinoza, 
who was one of the leaders of the Sephardic community of 
Amsterdam. Baruch was an ardent student. He pursued the usual 
Jewish educational courses — Hebrew, the Bible, the Talmud, the 
Jewish philosophers — Maimonides, Gersonides and Hasdai Crescas 
and others. His cabalistic knowledge is considered doubtful. After 
leaving the Jewish school at the Pereira Yeshibah, he studied latin, 
mathematics, physics, mechanics, astronomy, chemistry and 
medicine. During these studies he became acquainted with the 
school of thought developed by Saint Thomas Aquinas. 

Shortly after Spinoza left the Pereira Yeshibah rumors became 
persistent that he had given utterance to heretical views, "such as 
had led Urill Acosta and Orobio de Castro into trouble." When his 
father died December 5, 1654, his relatives refused to give him any 
share in the estate, making it necessary for him to resort to legal 
proceedings to secure his rights. Having had his share of his 
father's estate established, he only claimed a bedstead as a heirloom. 

Spinoza was called before the beth din (the legal arm of the 
Synagogue) where he freely confessed his opinions. His former 
teacher, Saul Morteira, offered him, on behalf of the congregation, 
a pension of one thousand florins a year provided he would not 
give public utterance to his heretical views. Spinoza refused. 
Jewish feeling was so aroused against him that a fanatical Jew 
attempted to stab him as he left the Synagogue. He was ex- 
communicated and banned. 

A superior race! Suprerior cunning, superior avarice, superior 
experience, superior hate — all this — but not a superior race! 
Certainly the Jew had learned much in his wanderings from 
country to country through the ages — much about money, trade, 


commerce, usury — and he was superior in these fields. He was 
superior because he dealt in dual morality, or rather without 
morality, in his relations with Christian Europe. His ethics and 
morals never left the synagogue or the ghetto, hence he plunged 
into finance and trade without the burdensome fetters that 
restrained his Christian victims. Yes, he was superior here. But 
compared to the world-conquering Spaniard, the chivalrous, empire- 
building Frenchman, the idea-creating German or the wirld-circling 
Englishman, he was a pigmy of infinitesimal dimensions. Compared 
with the cathedral builders, the creators of line and color, of great 
art, and the authors of beauty of word, poem and music that 
emerged from the Christians of Europe, these people are indeed 
pitifully inferior. Unless one is so utterly depraved as to have lost 
all sense of value, it must be admitted that there are more noble 
pursuits than usury, finance, buying and selling slaves, cornering 
the gold and diamonds of the world, and monopolizing the narcotic 

One of the most important reasons for European Christian con- 
tempt for the Jew is found in his hypocritical attitude to his own 
vaunted Law. The Christian, taking the prohibition from the 
Jews' own Book, did not deal in usury. To do so was a sin — and 
the taking of profit in trade was religiously despised. Yet the Jew 
— to whom the Law was originally given — had no scruples in 
demanding thirty-three and fifty percent on loans to Christians. 
The European Christian did not read the Old Testament carefully. 
Had he done so he would have learned that the Law of Moses did 
not forbid usury, but only forbade a Jew taking usury from a Jew. 

Expelled, restricted, regulated — the Jew always came back, if he 
could. Often he paid heavily in gold for the privilege of returning. 
Certainly, observes the thoughtful person, something is very strange 
and puzzling here! Would a persecuted people actually pay for the 
privilege of returning to the scene of their former persecution and 
suffering? It hardly makes sense, and, the answer, of course, Is 
obvious. The stories of Jewish persecution in Europe are strictly 
propaganda; invented myths for Christian gullibility. Abraham 
Senior, chief rabbi of Castile, and Isaac Abravanel are said to have 
offered Isabella and Ferdinand great sums of money to revoke the 
edict of expulsion of the Jews from Spain — life under the Holy 
Inquisition being preferable to life elsewhere. 

Life, generally, in developing Europe was difficult. Except for 
the well-to-do and the very wealthy, most every one suffered in 
bad times, during wars, famine and plagues. Life was no bed of 
roses for the Christian serf and peasant. But they survived, and 
their descendants built the greatest civilization known to recorded 
history. They found the other half of the world, explored its most 
remote corners, and out of the new wilderness forged great cities, 


nations and industries. They carried the Cross to the most remote 
places of the globe. And the Jew followed with his knap-sack and 
continued to garner the harvest that was no part of his planting. 
In the overall picture, the Jew fared not only well, but exceedingly 
well in Christian Europe. If Jewish mythology is to be believed, 
the Jews of Europe had a monopoly on all the wealth of Christen- 
dom. The fact is, however, that they certainly had more than their 
share of it, and consequently escaped the sufferings of poverty that 
was the common lot of the overwhelming majority of their 
Christian neighbors. Christian Europe was good to the Jews. 
Unless some apologist comes up with a better reason, this is why 
the Jews were willing to pay for the privilege of living there. 



IV yiAURICE SAMUEL in his amazingly frank book 'You Gentiles" 
I VI (Harcourt, Brace and Co., New York, 1924), declares that the 
gulf between Jew and Gentile can never be bridged. It is not a 
matter of religion, he asserts, except incidentally. A baptized Jew 
remains a Jew, and even an atheistic Jew remains a Jew. This 
phenomenon accounts for the Jewish Communist, who, while 
abandoning his faith in God, is, at the same time, a vigorous 
Zionist. Thus, Moses Hess, ardent disciple of Marx, is capable of 
writing a handbook for modern Zionism, and, at the same time, 
acting as an organizer of communist cells for the revolutionary 
overthrow of Christendom. The first communist parties of Poland 
and Russia were organized by Khazar Jews. The public at large 
has not been permitted to know that the splitting of the communist 
movement of Russia into the Bolsheviki and Mensheviki (major 
and minor) sections was the result of a disagreement of the 
comrades on the question of Jewish nationalism. There never has 
been, and there does not now exist, any disagreement between 
these two revolutionary sections on ideology, tactics, or objectives. 

A Jew is, therefore, something more than an adherent of Judaism. 
While a Jew is a Semite, ethnically speaking, he is still something 
more again. If he abandons his orthodoxy he does not submerge 
himself into the Semitic races. He still remains part and parcel 
of that Hebrew branch into which he was born. Heinrich Heine 
(1797-1856), after being baptized and outwardly accepting 
Christianity, wrote to Mose Moser: "From my way of thinking you 
can well imagine that baptism is an indifferent affair. I do not 
regard it as important even symbolically, and I shall devote 
myself all the more to the emancipation of the unhappy members 
of our race. Still I hold it as a disgrace and a stain upon my honor 
that in order to obtain an office in Prussia — in beloved Prussia — 
I should allow myself to be baptized." So it is that the Jew 
remains a Jew in spite of either his apparent political orientation 
or his religious attitude. There are, of course, exceptions, but it is 
the exception that proves the general rule. 

Maurice Samuel, referred to above, differentiates between 
"loyalty" as understood and practiced by Gentiles, and "loyalty" as 
understood and practiced by Jews. "To the Jew," he writes, 
"naked loyalty is an incomprehensible — a bewildering thing." 
Loyalty to a government, therefore, is not within the nature of the 
Jew. Loyalty to the promise of Israel, yes. But not to the temporal 
government of the Gentiles. Because the chief Gentile institution 



is the very social structure itself, Samuel declares, "it is in this 
that we (the Jews) are most manifestly destroyers." 

The unbelieving and radical Jew, Samuel asserts "is as different 
from the radical Gentile as the orthodox Jew from the reactionary 
Gentile. The cosmopolitanism of the radical Jew springs from his 
feeling (shared by the Orthodox Jew) that there is no difference 
between Gentile and Gentile." In this frank confession is an 
important key to Jewish evaluation of Gentile-Jewish relationships. 
The Jew, regardless of assertions to the contrary, looks upon all 
Gentiles with the same jaundiced eye. Between Jew and Gentile, 
"religion itself is but practical expression of the difference" 
between them, and "not the cause of it." "It is true," declares 
Samuel, "that the expression of a view serves to strengthen it, 
as the exercise of a faculty serves to develop it. But expression 
does not create a view nor exercise a faculty. Even conscious 
adherence to the Jewish people is but partial expression of our 
Jewishness: it was not a conscious desire to remain a people which 
gave us the will to endure: it was our unavoidable commonality 
of feeling which made us and continued us a people." 

The following excerpts from Samuel's book 'You Gentiles", sums 
up the Jewish attitude toward the Gentile world succinctly and 

"Repudiation of the Jewish religion or even of Jewish racial 
affiliation does not alter the Jew. Some of us Jews may delude 
ourselves as some of you Gentiles do. But in effect modern- 
ization seems to have done nothing to decrease the friction 
between us. The dislike continues: and though your masses 
may not know why they dislike us, there must be sufficient 
reason . . . 

"We joined your armies and fought in them beyond our 
numbers: yet Jewish pacifism and Jewish pacifists gave the 
tone to the world's pacifism. We have joined your capitalistic 
world in deliberate emulation and rivalry: yet Jewish socialism 
and Jewish socialists are the banner bearers of the world's 
armies of liberation! Three or four million modernized Jews, 
a ludicrously small number, have given to the world's icono- 
clastic force its chief impetus and by far its largest individual 

"The Jew, whose lack of contact with your world had made 
him ineffective, becomes effective. The vial is uncorked, the 
genius is out. His enmity to your way of life was tacit before. 
Today it is manifest and active. He cannot help himself: he 
cannot be different from himself: no more can you. It is 
futile to tell him: 'Hands off!' He is not his own master, 
but the servant of his life-will. 

"Our very radicalism is of a different temper. Our spur is a 
natural instinct. We do not have to uproot something in our- 
selves to become 'radicals,' dreamers of social justice. We are 
this by instinct: we do not see it as something revolutionary 
at all. It is tacit with us. But with you it is an effort and 
a wrench. Your very ancestry cries out against it in your 
blood . . . 


"It is our very cosmopolitanism that gives our national 
character. Because we are the only ones who are cosmopolitant 
by instinct rather than by argument we remain forever 
ourselves . . ." 

The longer Mohammed (569-632) studied the Jews the more he 
became convinced of the irreconcilable differences between their 
religious system and his own. Mohammed made Abraham an 
Arab when he got around to the Koran. He attacked the customs 
and belief of the Jews, and accused them of misinterpreting and 
concealing the true meaning of the Scripture. The Jews, asserted 
Mohammed, "are asses who carry books." 

The Jews did not hesitate to openly attack the Mohammedans. 
A Jewess, Asma, wrote satirical verses about the battle of Badr 
(won by Mohammed over the Kuraish), and another Jewish poet 
named Abu 'Afak also wrote offensive material about the Prophet 
and his new religion. As a result Islam attacked the Banu 
Kainuka, one of the Jewish tribes at Medina. The conquered tribe 
was banished. Still the Jewish poets continued their attacks. When 
Mohammed and his forces were defeated in the battle of Uhud 
by the Meccans, the Jews were exultant and taunted the wounded 
Prophet, saying that if Badr was a mark of divine favor, Uhud 
must be proof of disfavor. Mohammed again replied with an 
attack on Banu al-Nader, another of the Jewish tribes in the 
vicinity of Medina. The Jews surrendered and were allowed to 
migrate with all their possessions. 

At Khaibar a Jewess named Zainab, put poison in a dish she 
prepared for Mohammed. One of the Prophet's aids died almost 
immediately after eating from the dish, but Mohammed, who had 
eaten sparingly, survived. 

The Jews were to live under the Crescent, as they lived under 
the Cross. They would show no more loyalty to Islam than they 
had shown to Christianity. Where it suited their purpose they 
would play Crescent against Cross and Cross against Crescent. 
Jewish slave-traders would carry Moslem slaves to Christian slave 
markets, and on the return trip carry Christian slaves for Islam. 
They would be money-lenders to either. The Holy Wars were to 
be grist in the Jewish mill, and Jewry was always the victor. 
The centuries that were to come would find Jewish influence at 
the side of the sultans, just as that influence had invaded the 
chambers of Christian monarchs. In the end, the old feud between 
the followers of the Prophet and the sons of Abraham would flare 
and explode again. History has not yet tolled the numbers of 
Christians and Moslems who will have died in that war so that 
Israel may live. 


Jews are believed to have lived in Turkey at the time of Alex- 
ander the Great. The first settlement was at Brusa, the original 
Ottoman capital. Sultan Urkhan conquered the city in 1326 and 
it is reported that he drove out the inhabitants and repopulated the 
city with Jews from Damascus and the Byzantine empire. The 
synagogue built at Brusa by the Jews is said to still exist and is 
considered the oldest in Turkey. Under Sultan Murad I (1360- 
1389) the Turks crossed over into Europe, and the Jews of Thrace 
and Thesaly came under Ottoman dominion. About fifty years 
after the conquest of Adrianople, a Jew, Torlak Kiamal, became a 
leading participant in an insurrection of dervishes. He advocated 
communism and preached communistic doctrines. He was hanged 

by Sultan Mohammed I (1413-1421). 


Sultan Murad II (1421-1451) gave influential positions to the Jews 

within his domain. Ishak Pasha became the Sultan's physcian- 

in-chief. He was followed by a long list of Jewish physicians who 

were in continuous attendance upon the succeeding Sultans. The 

relationship thus created gave the Jewish physician great power 

and influence over the Sultan, which, of course, extended to many 

diverse matters that had nothing to do with the Sultan's health. 

Sultan Murad II granted Ishak Pasha a firman exempting his 

family and descendents from all taxes. Mohammed the Conqueror 

(1451-1481) extended the same extraordinary exemption to his 

Jewish physician, Moses Hamon. Mohammed also appointed a 

Jewish physician, Ya 'Kub, his minister of finance. 

The office of hakam bashi became of considerable importance 
during the reign of Mohammed the Conqueror. Moses Capsali was 
the first to fill this position. He took his place in the Turkish 
divan (state council) beside the mufti (chief of the Ulema), and 
ranked above the Greek Patriarch. In this position Moses became 
the representative of the Jews before the Turkish government. 
He apportioned and collected taxes from the Jews, appointed rabbis 
acted as judge, and administered the affairs of the Jewish 

The Turks distrusted their Christian subjects because of their 
known sympathies with the Christian powers. Because of the well 
known hatred of the Jews for Christianity in general, and Christian 
nations in particular, the Turks instinctively turned to the Jew in 
matters of finance and business to protect their interests against 
Christendom. The internationalism of the Jew in Gentile affairs, 
and his utter lack of a sense of loyalty to his land of adoption was 
balanced, in the Moslem mind, by his well developed sense of self- 
interest and inborn Talmud-nourished hatred of Christianity. Hence 


the Sultans utilized their Jewish subjects for their own purposes, 
and the Jews used the Sultans for theirs. As a result the Jews 
labored diligently in behalf of the Moslems and, in addition to 
special privileges and other rewards, they derived the satisfaction 
of knowing that their efforts added to the discomfort and destruc- 
tion of Christianity. It is said that they instructed the Turks in 
the manufacture of gun powder, cannon and other implements of 
war. Jewish exiles were especially valuable to the Turks because 
of their vast knowledge of the fortresses, defenses and military 
strength of the Christian cities in which they had resided. 

The orthodox Moslem opposed the conquest of Egypt, but the 
Jews, with their ancient hatred of that land and its people, strongly 
supported the venture and persuaded the Turkish government to 
launch the attack. When Egypt was conquered (1517) Abraham de 
Castro was appointed master of the mint. Salim I (1512-20) re- 
organized the administrative system of the Jews in Egypt, and 

abolished the office of nagid. 


Turkey reached its apex of power under Sulaiman the Magnifi- 
cent (1520-66). Like his predecessors, his physician, who accom- 
panied him on his campaigns, was a Jew — Moses Hamon II. The 
Jews were prosperous and held many of the most important 
positions in the government and at court. They were so influential 
with the Sultan and his court that Christian ambassadors were 
usually compelled to find a Jewish intermediary to intercede for 
them and their cause. Nearly all the commerce of Turkey was in 
Jewish hands, and their maritime trade rivaled that of Venice 
(which was also in Jewish hands). 

Joseph Nasi was the nephew of Donna Gracia Mendesia. It was 
Moses Hamon who had persuaded the Sultan to act in Donna 
Mendesia's behalf when she was detained in Venice. We have seen 
that the Sultan's curt demands were effective. Arriving in Turkey 
the Jewess immediately plunged into Turkish affairs. Joseph, 
through his Jewish connections among the Marranos in Europe, 
was able to furnish the Sultan with confidential information 
concerning the plans and activities of the Christian courts. He soon 
became the Sultan's counselor on such matters. When the succes- 
sion of Salim Sulaiman's throne was trembling in the balance 
of court intrigue and politics, Joseph threw his influence to him 
and thus won Salim's everlasting favor. Sulaiman conferred the 
city of Tiberias and its surrounding territory on Joseph. He re- 
built the walls and, planning a Jewish colony in Palestine, invited 
the Jews of Europe to migrate. His wealth was so great that he 
was able to furnish ships for the transportation of the Jews who 


desired to come. There is no record of the number of Jews who 

responded to Joseph's call, but his scheme to establish a Jewish 

colony in Tiberias failed. 

Salim II (1566) made Joseph Duke of Naxos and of the Cyclades 

Islands. In 1567 Joseph received an offer of a fixed yearly salary 

from the Austrian government in return for his good-will. In 1568 

the Sultan empowered him to seize the cargos of French ships in 

Turkish waters in order to repay the debt the French government 

allegedly owed the Mendesia family. By 1569 Joseph had seized 

sufficient cargos to cancel the alleged debt. The protests of the 

French government fell on deaf ears in Turkey and the efforts 

of the French ambassador to undermine Joseph's position at the 

Turkish court were equally futile. A few years later the Sultan 

declared war on Venice at Joseph's request. Emperor Ferdinand 

of Austria again solicited Joseph's good-will. William of Orange 

wrote him a letter, requesting him to declare war on Spain. Joseph 

would have liked nothing better than war with Spain but the 

grand vizier, Mohammed Sokolli, won the argument and the Sultan 

for once, refused to shed Turkish blood against the Spaniards for 

the sake of the Jews. 


Solomon Ashkenazi succeeded to Joseph's influential position and 
became even more powerful than Joseph had been. He worked 
through the grand viziers rather than directly on the Sultan. The 
war on Venice, begun by Joseph, was terminated by Ashkenazi. 
Delegated by the Porte to arrange peace terms, Ashkenazi pro- 
ceeded to Venice. As distasteful and humiliating as it was, the 
Christian Venetians received the Turkish Jew with all the honors 
reserved for such occasions. 

While the Turks were tolerant in the extreme of their Jewish 
subjects, their patience was sorely tried at times. Sultan Murad 
III became so exasperated and angered at the Jewish display of 
ostentation and luxury, that he ordered the execution of all the 
Jews in the empire. It took all of the ability of Ashkenazi and 
the other influential Jews, in addition to large sums of money, to 
persuade the Sultan to change the death sentence to a law 
restricting dress. The Sultan relented and the Jews thereafter were 
required to wear a sort of skull cap instead of a turban, and were 
prohibited from using silk in the making of their garments. 

Esther Kiera became a confidante of Baffa, wife of Murad III 
(mother of Mohammed III). The harem was notorious for its 
overwhelming influence on prominent men, and the favorite of the 
Sultan often altered the course of history. To influence the Sultana 
was to influence the Sultan, and the Jewesses of Turkey were not 


unmindful of the opportunities thus presented. Esther Kiera, 
through her position as an intimate of the Sultana Baffa, became 
all-important to the Jews in their diplomatic intrigues. Esther 
carried on a lucrative traffic in army posts and amassed a great 
fortune. Her influence carried through the reigns of three sultans. 
She was not adverse to shady dealings and she frequently resorted 
to bribery. Many of the appointments to important military posi- 
tions secured through Esther's unscrupulous methods, created wide- 
spread bitterness among the Spahis (Turkish soldiers) and their 
personal hatred and frustration was directed toward her. Harem 
intrigues set in motion by Esther's ingenuity on behalf of the 
Jews became notorious and exasperated the people. According to 
one account a mob led by the Spahis overcame the palace guard 
and killed Esther, and, cutting off her limbs, nailed them to the 
doors of the dwellings of those officials who had obtained their 
positions through her influence. According to another account, 
Khalil Pasha had her brought to his palace and killed her with 
his own hand. Her great fortune was confiscated by the Turkish 


Cabalistic doctrines spread throughout the Jewish communities 
of Turkey in the sixteenth century. The appearance of the sinister 
David Reubeni and his tale of a fabulous Jewish kingdom in the 
East reawakened Jewish hopes of the immediate coming of the 
"true" Messiah, who would establish the Covenant and bring the 
Gentile world under Jewish domination. Joseph Caro went to 
Palestine believing that he was destined to take part in the 
Messiah's coming. He saw visions and dreamed dreams. The 
cabalistic leaders who succeeded Caro turned Galilee into wild 
scenes of mysterious religious rituals and ceremonies, while demon- 
iacs, conjurers and miracle-workers spread throughout Turkey and 
Europe. Isaac Luria communed with departed spirits, and talked 
with animals and angels. The Zohar attained equality with the 
Talmud and the Bible. Jewish demonstrations in expectancy of the 
"Messiah" in 1648 provoked the Moslems to a massacre of Ash- 
kenaeic Jews. 

The Treaty of Passarowitz (1718) between Turkey and the 
German Empire, contained a provision which permitted the citizens 
of the one country to live in the country of the other and to have 
the protection of that country's government. Jews in Turkey took 
advantage of the clause and passed themselves off as Turkish 
subjects in order to settle in Vienna, a privilege which was for- 
bidden to native Austrian Jews. 


In 1887 the minister plenipotentiary from the United States was 


a Jew, Oscar S. Straus. He was succeeded by another Jew, 

Solomon Hirsch. Straus was again minister from 1897 to 1900. 

Because of the Turkish war on Christian nations the Jews 
generally supported the Turkish government. The Turks did not 
trust them sufficiently to permit them to serve in the army, but 
accepted their financial aid. The Jews of Adrianople, in the war 
of 1885, supplied 150 wagons for the transportation of Turkish 
ammunition. In the war of 1897 the Jews of Constantinople con- 
tributed 50,000 piasters to the Turkish army fund. 

Turkish governments prohibited Jews remaining in Palestine for 
more than three months. When the Khazar Jews of Russia started 
their amazing immigration in 1882, American Jews had enough 
influence in Washington to pressure the Turkish government to 
revise its laws so that the Russian Jews might settle in Turkey. 
It was believed that the open door to Turkey would prove to be 
the back door to Palestine. The Turks resisted the pressure and 
in 1888 the Porte again declared that the Jews might not remain 
more than three months in Palestine. The Jews of the United 
States, Great Britan, and France bludgeoned their respective 
government into action, and the Porte was confronted with official 
"notes" protesting his "discrimination against creed and race." The 
Turkish government was already aware of the Khazar plan to 
colonize Palestine and to oust the Arabs from their ancient lands. 
The Porte attempted to explain the political situation, and stead- 
fastly adhered to his policy. In 1895 the Jews attempted to purchase 
real estate in Jerusalem in pursuance of their plan to oust the 
Arabs and take over the Holy Land. Again the Porte refused to 
change Turkish policy and withstood the formidable pressures the 
Jews were able to bring against him through the respective govern- 
ments they either controlled or strongly influenced. 

It would take a world war to batter down Turkish resistance to 
Jewish colonization of Palestine, and a second world war would be 
necessary to establish a Jewish state, but world Jewry was girding 
itself for the task and it would be accomplished. 

The Jews were probably in France (Gaul) before the fourth 
century, but history does not note the fact. A decree of the 
Emperor Theodosius II and Valentinian III addressed to Amatius, 
prefect of Gaul, which prohibited Jews and pagans from practicing 
law and from holding public office, appears to have been written 
in July of 425. Because the Jews placed Christian food under their 
ban, Christian clergy were prohibited from accepting Jewish food, 
lest the Christians appear inferior. 

The Jews were principally merchants, slave-dealers, tax-collectors 
and physicians in early Gaul. The fourth Council of Orleans (541) 


prohibited a Jew from owning Christian slaves under penalty of 

forfeiting all of his slaves. The decree, as usual, was ignored. 

The early history of France in relation to its Jews is much the 
same as the history of the Jews in other nations. The princes and 
the kings took them under their protection and the populace re- 
sented them. Passing years brought greater resentment on the part 
of the people, and some governments took drastic measures against 
them, which measures were usually ignored, partially executed and 
ultimately forgotten. In some instances the Jews received greater 
protection and regard from the king than that given or afforded the 
Christians. This fact is illustrated by an incident that occurred 
in Lyons (circa 822) when Agobard, bishop of the diocese of that 
city, protested to the court of Louis concerning the law which pro- 
hibited the baptism of slaves owned by the Jews. He was repulsed. 
The Bishop was also concerned with the "Chosen People" myth and 
protested that ignorant people think that the Jews are the only 
people of God and that the Jewish religion is therefore better than 

their own. The king paid little attention to these protests. 

Philip Augustus recalled the Jews to France in July of 1198, 
and legalized their operations in banking and pawn-broking. Their 
business, however, was controlled and the rate of interest was set 
by the crown. While this arrangement was not completely satis- 
factory to the Jews they nevertheless appear to have prospered 
under it. Pope Innocent III, in protesting to the king in 1205, 
pointed out that the Jews of France through their usurious prac- 
tices had gotten possession of the goods of the Church, occupied 
castles, acted as stewards and managers for the Christian nobles, 
and had Christian servants and nurses. He complained that the 
civil authorities attached more faith to a deed signed by a Christian 
debtor at the moment of the loan than to the witnesses whom the 
Christian produced denying the deed. At Sens the Jews had been 
permitted to erect a synagogue higher than a Church near which 
it stood and the Pope stated that they sang so loundly as to disturb 
the service in the Church. It was reported that on Easter Day 
the Jews walked in the streets and offered insults to the faith, 
maintaining that He whom their ancestors had crucified had been 
only a peasant. Their houses remained open till the middle of the 
night and served to receive stolen goods. The Pope wrote in the 
same vein to the Duke of Burgundy, the Countess of Troyes and 
the Count de Nevers, but his efforts were of no avail. 

As in other matters involving Christian necessity, the Jewish 
financiers were not unmindful of the opportunities offered by the 
Crusades. In preparation for long campaigns and the necessity 
of securing arms and equipment the Knights of the Cross were 


compelled to turn to the Jews for loans. In France, as elsewhere 

in Christendom, much of Christian property was pledged to the 

Jews at staggering rates of interest. Pope Innocent III, in an effort 

to relieve the Crusaders from the crushing debts thus incurred, 

took them under his protection and exempted those who set out 

for Jerusalem from the payment of the interest due their creditors. 

Eudes, Duke of Burgundy, having been informed by Philip 

Augustus of the Pope's action, refused to accept the order, and 

advised Philip Augustus to resist such "innovations." 

Louis VIII (1223-1226) entered into an arrangement with the 
Jewish financiers, whereby the loaned capital would be paid within 
three years, without the payment of the interest, and such debts 
placed under the control of the lords. The debts were thus 

collected, whereby the lords made handsome commissions. 

Nicholas Donin of La Rochelle was a Jewish convert to Christian- 
ity. He lived at Paris during the first half of the thirteenth 
century. Because he had expressed doubt as to the authenticity of 
Jewish oral tradition, he was excommunicated by R. Jehiel of Paris 
in the presence of the whole congregation. 

Excommunication of a Jew, during Talmudic times and the Middle 
Ages, meant utter prohibition of all intercourse with society. 
Immediate death, under the circumstances, might have been more 
humane. The purpose to be achieved was the continued solidarity 
of the Jewish nation, and its main object was the strengthening 
of the authority of the Synagogue. Among the offenses made 
punishable by excommunication on authority of the Talmud, the 
following may be mentioned: dealing lightly with any of the 
rabbinic or Mosaic precepts; selling one's real estate to a non-Jew; 
testifying against one's Jewish neighbor in a non-Jewish court 
where the neighbor may suffer loss of money, and sundry offenses 
involving the selling of meat and holiday or festival omissions and 

After having lived for ten years in a state of excommunication, 
Donin embraced Christianity. He joined the Franciscan Order. 
In 1238 he went to Rome and presented Pope Gregory IX with 
thirty-five charges against the Talmud. The Pope, shocked by 
Donin's revelations, had copies of the charges made and sent them 
to Church authorities, ordering them to seize all copies of the 
Talmud. He ordered an investigation of Donin's charges and 
decreed that all copies of the Talmud be burned if the accusations 
proved to be true. The Pope's order was generally ignored, except 
in France. Louis IX ordered four of the most prominent rabbis 
of France to answer Donin's charges of blasphemy and immorality. 
The commission before whom the arguments were heard were 


convinced of the truth of Donin's charges and, after a second 
hearing, ordered the burning of all copies of the Talmud that had 
been surrendered by the Jews to the Dominicans and the 

Rabbi Jechiel, the most prominent of the Jewish rabbis who 
debated the subject with Donin at the Paris Disputation, did not 
attempt to deny the scandalous references to Jesus in the Talmud 
as listed by the Franciscan. There were, of course, Christians who 
were also Hebrew scholars, and Jechiel dared not deny the written 
word. He countered therefore with the feeble assertion that the 
Jesus of Nazareth referred to in the Talmud was another Jesus — 
a fiction pounced upon by subsequent Jewish writers. Modern 
Jews, however, freely acknowledge Jechiel's trickery, although 
they call it by another name. Dr. Levin, in his prize essay, Die 
Religious Disputation des R. Jechiel von Paris, etc., states "we must 
regard the attempt of R. Jechiel to ascertain that there were two 
by the name of Jesus as unfortunate, original as the idea may be." 

While at Lyons the Pope granted an audience to a delegation 

of rabbis who complained that they could not understand the 

Bible or the Jewish laws without the aid of the Talmud. The Pope, 

apparently impressed with the rabbis' appeal, requested Eudes de 

Chateauroux to re-examine the Talmud from the Jewish viewpoint, 

and ascertain whether or not it might be tolerated as harmless to 

Christianity. Eudes informed the Pope in the negative, and on 

May 15, 1248 the Talmud was condemned for the second time. 

After nine years of banishment the Jews were permitted by 
Louis X to return to France for a period of twelve years, upon the 
payment of 122,500 livres. (July 28, 1315). Among the conditions 
imposed was a prohibition against lending on usury. Pawn-broking 
was permitted on the condition that the Jews did not take more 
than two deniers in the pound a week, an they were to lend only 
on pledges. The king declared that they were to be under his 
special protection, and that they were to have their persons and 
property protected from all violence, injury, and oppression. 

Philip V the Tall (1316-1322) continued the Jewish policy of 
Louis X, and went further in granting them special privileges. 
In spite of the royal protection the Jews were attacked by the 
people, and during Philip's reign were terrorizd by the Pastoureaux, 
young peasants and herdsmen. At Troyes Jews were reported to 
have entered the Churches. Complaints that the Jews shouted so 
loudly in their synagogues that divine services were disturbed in 
adjacent Christian Churches continued to be reported to the Pope 
and the king. Philip directed the bailiff of Troyes to punish the 
offenders and put a stop to such outrages. 

A Jew was accused of throwing poison in the river at Tours. 
Letters were found allegedly written by the kings of Tunis and 


Grenada to the French Jews, offering commissions for their services 
in poisoning the Christians' drinking water. 

The Jews were again expelled from France on June 24, 1322 
by Charles IV. 


Under the regency of Duke Charles of Normandy, the Jews were 
permitted to return to France for a period of twenty years. (March 
1, 1350). They returned as money-lenders, although the maximum 
rate of interest was fixed by the conditions of the edict of their 
return. King John permitted them to practice medicine and 
surgery, if and when they had successfully passed an examination 
of proficiency. Apparently the provision requiring the examination 
was ignored, as the privilege was later withdrawn. John also 
decreed that the Jews were not any better than native Frenchman 
and ordered that henceforth they were under the jurisdiction of the 
French courts. Count of Etampes frequently interposed in their 
behalf in the Parliament of Paris and in other civil and ecclesiasti- 
cal tribunals in attempts to release the Jews from French civil 
and criminal jurisdiction. 

In spite of ordinances against compounding interest, the Jewish 
money-lenders continued with the practice. The public prosecutors 
proceeded against the guilty ones. The Jews, of course, complained 
to the king, who immediately put a stop to the prosecutions, by 
imposing an order of "perpetual silence" on the officers of the law, 
and granting the Jews immunity from all prosecutions for a period 
of ten years. The French people were understandably outraged, 
and complaints continued to mount against the Jews. On September 
17, 1394 Charles VI published an ordinance in which he declared 
that the complaints of the people against the Jews provoked by 
their excesses and misdemeanors compelled him to again order their 
expulsion from his domain. This edict was enforced with deter- 
mination. The Duke of Pamiers endeavored unsuccessfully to 
maintain them in the duchy. The only exception was the case of 
Dauphine, and the Jews remained there until the end of the six- 
teenth century undisturbed in their special privilege. Most of 
them, however, had emigrated before the time of Louis XI (1461- 
1483). They had been charged with excessive usury and with 
dealing with the king's enemies while he was in Flanders, and 

the fine imposed on them was too heavy for them to pay. 

Through the efforts of a group of Jews headed by Cerf Berr in 
1784, the ban of exclusion was lifted and permission was given the 
Jews to settle in all parts of France. Count Mirabeau and the 
abbe' Gregoire claimed full citizenship rights for the Jews. The 
Royal Society of Science and Arts of Metz offered a prize for the 
best essay in answer to the question: "What are the best means to 
make the Jews happier and more useful to France?" 


The fall of the Bastile marked the beginning of disorders every- 
where in France. The animosity of the people in Alsace against 
the Jews was particularly bitter. The Jews here had engaged in 
unscrupulous transactions in government bonds and had persisted 
in smuggling specie prohibited by law into the country. Abbe 
Gregoire demanded full citizenship rights for the Jews in the 
National Assembly, but the members did not act and the matter 
was postponed. A few days, however, before the dissolution of the 
National Assembly (September 27, 1791) Duport of the Jacobin 
Club was successful in securing the passage of the proposition. 
This action did little to appease the people, and the disorders 
against the Jews continued. The worship of Reason supplanted 
the worship of God, and the attack on Christianity was extended 
in some places to the Synagogues. Jewish bankers in Bordeaux, 
involved in the cause of the Girondins, escaped with their lives 
by the payments of great sums of money. In the war of the 
Republic against the attacking European coalition, most French 
Jews were still able to escape military duty. 

Napoleon frankly did not trust the Jews. He could not consider 
them as patriotic Frenchmen. When he returned from Austerlitz 
(1806) charges against the Jews for their ancient crime of excessive 
usury were laid before him. The Jewish financiers, however, had 
friends at court, and the restrictive measures contemplated by 
Napoleon were not made law. Napoleon, nevertheless, on May 30, 
1806, issued a decree by which the execution of judgments rendered 
in Alsace and the Rhenish provinces in favor of Jewish money- 
lenders were suspended for one year. At the same time he 
summoned an assembly of prominent Jews for the purpose of 
attempting to learn the basis of their peculiar amorality in dealing 
with non-Jews. The Jews declared that Judaism was under attack, 
which has since become a stock propaganda defense for any 
criticism of their questionable activities. The Jews were well 
prepared, and, under the leadership of Abraham Furtado, succeeded 
to a considerable degree in disarming Napoleon's suspicions. As a 
result of this conference the Emperior called a Sanhedrin on 
February 9, 1807. Like the ancient Great Sanhedrin it consisted of 
seventy-one members, two-thirds of which were rabbis. 

The results of the Sanhedrin convention were apparently satis- 
factory to Napoleon, and, although a series of laws restricted them 
in some of their practices, the Jews had attained an integrated 
status in France. The obligation to support the empire was 
believed established by a law that prohibited a Jew drafted for the 
military service to avoid such service by hiring a substitute. It was 
one obligation of "citizenship" that did not appeal to the Jews, 
and, after many complaints the Jews of Paris and other districts 
of France were exempted from the prohibition. 


The minister of education proposed a measure on November 13, 
1830 to place Judaism upon an equal footing with Catholicism and 
Protestantism. In January of 1831 the proposition was passed in 
the Chamber of Peers by a vote of 89 to 57. It was ratified by 
King Louis Philip on February 8, 1831. The importance of the 
proposition was not only in the fact that France recognized Juda- 
ism as the equal of Christianity, but that henceforth the support 
of the rabbis and the synagogues would be shouldered by the tax- 
payers of Christian France. The rabbinical college at Metz 
was recognized as a state institution and was granted a subsidy. 
The government also liquidated the debts that had been contracted 
by the Jewish communities before the Revolution. 

France was destined to have its Jewish officials. Leon Blum, 
rich Socialist, would be one of them. He was elected to the 
chamber of deputies in 1919 and became the undisputed leader 
of the Socialist Party by 1925. He refused participation in non- 
Socialist governments, but accepted leadership of the Popular Front, 
which coalition included radical socialists, socialists, and commu- 
nists. On June 4, 1936 he became the first socialist premier of 
France. He was the author of a book, Du Marige, in which he 
advocated incest between brother and sister, and recommended 

that girls throw off their "virginity gayly and early." 

Francis Yeats-Brown, writing about the Jews of France ("Euro- 
pean Jungle," page 193), sums up the situation with the following: 
"From morning to night . . . the French citizen pays his 
tribute to the tribes of Israel. His coffee comes from the 
Cohens of Haifa; his bread has been handled by Louis-Dreyfus; 
when he listens to his radio he enriches the half-Jew Louis 
Mercier; his newspapers are full of Jewish advertisements, 
especially of the patent medicines of Levi and Vidal; the 
Intransigent is owned by L. L. Dreyfus, the Populaire by 
Lazarus Brothers, the Petit Parisien and Excelsior by M. Braun, 
and the Stock Exchange swarms with Levis, Lazards, Roths- 
childs, Cohens, Davids, Weils, Mayers, Sterns, Blochs, Bau- 
manns, and their friends and relations." 

The first Jewish community of Germany dates from about the 
year 321. The Jews enjoyed the same legal status here as they 
did elsewhere in the Roman Empire. They were prohibited from 
owning Christian slaves and they were not eligible to hold public 
office. Otherwise they were free to follow their inclinations. Money- 
lending, however, gradually became their chief occupation. There 
was little change in their way of life in the Germanic Kingdoms 
under the Burgundians and the Franks. They were generally 
exempt from military service, and trade and commerce came into 
their hands. When the Church enforced its prohibition against 
usury, the Jewish money-lenders obtained a monopoly in this 


traffic While the calling of money-lending was looked upon with 

contempt, the services of the business were indispensable, and, 

although avoided as disreputable and unscrupulous, the Jewish 

financier exercised great influence. As elsewhere he was hated 

and feared by the German people, and protected by the rulers. 

Continuous and intensive study of the Talmud created a fanatical 
zeal in the Jews of Germany and kept alive the smoldering coals 
of hatred for the Christians. The Crusades supplied the sparks that 
caused this hatred to burst into the open fire that resulted in riots 
and massacres. The Jews were charged with having conspired with 
the Mongols and to have supported their war against Christianity. 
Expulsions were frequent, and their return equally frequent. They 
were expelled from Vienna and the archduchy of Austria by 
Emperor Leopold I in 1670. Their influence and power continued 
to develop along the same lines so successfully followed elsewhere. 
They ultimately attained full citizenship rights, gained great wealth 
in the field of finance, and became influential with government 

There were no Jewish communities in England prior to the 
Norman invasion. The Jewish slave-traders who imported English 
slaves to the Roman market had, of course, visited its shores in 
furtherance of their business. William the Conqueror unquestion- 
ably brought the first Jews from Rouen to England. 

The Jews generally fared very well in England. Under Henry II 
they amassed great wealth, lived in ostentatious palaces, and 
exerted great influence among the English upper classes. The 
Crusades, while intensifying the concealed hatred of the Jews for 
the Christians, and arousing resentment against the Jews, did not 
result in the widespread violence that swept over other Christian 
countries. But England was not without its incidents. The Jews 
at Lynn, shortly after Richard I departed for the Holy Land, 
incited a riot by attempting to attack a baptized Jew who had 
taken refuge in a Church. 

As elsewhere, the Jews of England were usurers. They were 
protected by the king and the nobles from the native population 
and in addition to enjoying the rights and privileges of Englishmen, 
they were given certain special privileges, such as baronial rank. 
Complaints against the rapacious rates of interest charged by the 
Jewish money-lenders were continuous and clamorous. Edward I 
(1275) determined to solve the Jewish question by forbidding the 
Jews to lend on usury, and opened to them commerce, handicrafts 
and agriculture. Some of the Jews resorted to ingenious strate- 
gems in their attempts to avoid the law, such as lending sums 
and extorting bonds that included both interest and principal. 
Others resorted to highway robbery, while still others took to 


clipping coins, a practice which had been initiated by them centuries 
before. As a result of these crimes against the crown many Jews 
were arrested and convicted. 

The insolence and contempt manifested by many Jews for things 
sacred to Christians is an ever-amazing incident of their history. 
In 1268 a Jew seized a Cross that was being carried in front of a 
procession at Oxford, and committed blasphemies of similar nature 
on other occasions. Reports of these incidents caused the various 
popes to remonstrate with the Christian monarchs who appeared to 
tolerate them. Edward I, being confronted with the multitudinous 
complaints, and finally convinced that the Jews would not inter- 
mingle with their fellow citizens as artisans, merchants, or farmers, 
and that their talents were usury and crime, came to the conclusion 
that the only course open to him was their expulsion from the 
country. On July 18, 1290 he issued writs decreeing that all the 
Jews should leave England before All Saints' Day of that year. 
Of the 16,000 who left, about one-fifth went to Flanders, their 

passage being paid by the king. 


An attempt was made in 1310 to repeal the edict of expulsion but 
it failed. Some Jews, posing as Lombards, risked the edict and 
carried on trading operations in England. Permtis were issued on 
occasion permitting certain Jews to visit the country, but it was 
not until the expulsion from Spain that Jews in any considerable 
number sought refuge in England. Among these was Rodrigo 
Lopez, physician to Queen Elizabeth, who is said to be the original 
of Shakespeare's Shylock. A group of Morrano merchants settled 
in London about the middle of the seventeenth century and formed 
a secret congregation headed by Antonio Fernandez Carvajal. 
They conducted a vigorous bisiness with the Levant, East and West 
Indies, the Canary Islands, Brazil, the Netherlands, Spain and 
Portugal. They became an important link in the network of trade 
spread throughout the Spanish and Portugese world by the secret 
Jews. They became important to Cromwell as they were able to 
give him confidential information concerning the plans of Charles 
Stuart in Holland, and of the Spaniards in the New World. Out- 
wardly they passed as Spaniards and Catholics, but met as Jews 
at Cree Church Lane. 

The English were greatly influenced in permitting the Jews to 
return to England by a book written by Manasseh ben Israel 
entitled "Hope of Israel," and published in 1650. The theme of ben 
Israel's book was to the effect that the Messiah could not appear 
until the Jews were in all the lands of the earth. According to 
one Antonio de Montesinos, the Ten Tribes of Israel, lost these 
many centuries, had been discovered in the North American Indians 
and England was the only country left in the world from which 


the Jews were excluded. If England would re-admit the Jews, 
the Messianic age would be imminent. Cromwell believed that the 
Spanish Jews in Holland would be useful to him. Meanwhile the 
war with Spain compelled the Morranos to declare their true status 
in order to avoid arrest as Spaniards, and, because they were 
already in England Cromwell gave his permission for them to 
remain. The Jewish question was thus apparently settled in 

William III is said to have borrowed two million gulden from 
Antonio Lopez Suasso, who, afterwards, became Baron Avernes de 
Gras. William denied a petition to expel the Jews from Jamaica. 
During his reign the London and Amsterdam Jewish communities 
were enabled to operate with greater ease, and laid the foundation 
for the transfer of European finance from the Dutch to the English 
capital. In the early part of the eighteenth century representatives 
of the chief Jewish financiers of northern Europe were already 
established in London. Among these were representatives of the 
Mendez da Costas, Abudientes, Salvadors, Lopezes, Fonsecas, and 
Seixas. Sir Solomon de Medina ingratiated himself with Marl- 
borough and is said to have paid him an annual subvention. An 
original Jewish capital of a million and a half pounds increased 
to over five million by the middle of the century. Jewish influence 
was so great with the government that Parliament in 1723 passed 
an act permitting the Jews to hold land. The special act of 
Parliament permitted the Jewish land owner to omit the clause 
"upon the faith of a Christian" from the oath at the time of 
registering title. The clause "upon the faith of a Christian" was 
still necessary, however, for all officers, civil or military, under the 
crown or in the universities, and for all lawyers, voters and mem- 
bers of Parliament. It was not until July 26, 1859 that this last 
barrier was broken. On that day Baron Lionel de Rothschild took 
his seat as the first Jewish member of Parliament. He substituted 
"so help me, Jehovah", for the usual Christian clause. In 1885 
Sir Nathaniel de Rothschild was elevated to the upper house as 
Lord Rothschild. Baron Henry de Worms as Lord Pirbright, and 
Sydney Stern as Lord Wandsworth, followed. By 1890 a Jew could 
hold any office in the British Empire, with the possible exception 
of that of monarch. 

The Khazar Jews of Russia stirred in 1881. The English Jews, 
now highly influential in the government and controlling unlimited 
finances, immediately publicized the "persecution" of the Russian 
Jews. The political background of the Russian situation was 
deliberately obliterated under the guise of "religious" persecution. 
The Russians were persecuting Judaism! A mass meeting was 
held at Mansion House in London on February 1, 1882, which 


became a pattern for thousands of such meetings in the future. 

More than a hundred and eight thousand pounds was raised for the 

purpose of settling the Khazar Jews in the United States! This 

technique was repeated again in 1891 at the Guildhall, while more 

than a hundred thousand pounds was collected for the same 



The Jews were not unmindful of the Crown colonies. They 
carried Jewish finance and influence into Australia, Canada, New 
Zealand, South Africa, and other colonies. Nathaniel Levi became 
involved in coal and beet-sugar activities in Victoria. Sir Julius 
Vogel became premier of New Zealand. New South Wales was 
represented by Sir Saul Samuel and Sir Julien Salomons, who 
became agent-general. Mosenthall Brothers and Jonas Bergtheii 
turned their attentions to Cape Colony and Natal. Jews — and more 
more particularly Barnato Brothers, Wernher, Beit & Company — 
controlled the gold and diamond industries of the Rand. 

The Portuguese victory over the Dutch in South America was the 
immediate cause of the first Jewish invasion of what was to 
become continental United States. While there is some evidence 
of the presence of Jews in the colonies before, the twenty-three 
Jews aboard the bark St. Charles that entered the harbor of New 
Amsterdam in September of 1654, appear to be the first sizeable 
group to arrive. They were Sephardic Jews. Their ancestors had 
probably been among those expelled from Spain in 1492. Many of 
these Spanish Jews had found refuge in Holland, and, later, some of 
their descendants had sought to exploit the Dutch colonies in 
South America. The Portugese victory had, of course, closed these 
colonies to them, forcing most of them to return to Amsterdam, 
where Jewish financial interests and influence assured their 
protection. New Amsterdam (which was to become New York) 
was a Dutch colony under the administration of Governor Peter 

The Jews who had established themselves in the British colonies 
had not endeared themselves to their neighbors. Peter Stuyvesant 
long before had complained bitterly to the directors of the Dutch 
West Indies Company in Amsterdam about them. Their business 
techniques and unscrupulous competition methods were ruinous to 
New Amsterdam, said the Governor. Some of these Jews, it was 
said, insisted on keeping their shops open on Sundays — the Chris- 
tian Sabbath. It is quite understandable, therefore, that the Gov- 
ernor should have strenuously objected to receiving the twenty- 
three Jewish arrivals from South America. He wrote to Amsterdam 
demanding that "the deceitful race be not allowed further to 
infect and trouble this new colony." The Jews, of course, also 


wrote to Amsterdam. The Jewish influence was, as might be 

expected, greater than that of Stuyvesant, and the directors ruled 

in favor of the twenty-three. They informed the Governor in 

a reply dispatched in April of 1655 that to deny the Jews a place 

in New Amsterdam "would be unreasonable and unfair, especially 

because of the considerable loss sustained by the Jews in the taking 

of Brazil, and also because of the large amount of capital which 

they invested in the shares of this company . . ." The directors 

finally decreed that "these people may travel and trade to and 

in New Netherlands, and live and remain there, providing the 

poor among them shall be supported by their own Nation." 

Under the British, the General Assembly of the colony passed 
legislation in 1727 providing that the phrase "on the true faith of a 
Christian" might be omitted from the oath of abjuration, or 
allegiance to Great Britain, when taken by a Jew, thus opening the 
way for naturalization and further separating Church and State. 

There were approximately two thousand five hundred Jews in the 
thirteen colonies at the beginning of the Revolutionary War. 
Nearly all of them were of Sephardic origin. They were, as else- 
where, merchants and traders, international in out-look, and in 
continuous contact with the Jews of other nations. They congre- 
gated in the most populous sea-coast towns and, exploiting to the 
fullest their international Jewish connections, imported fast selling 
items for the colonial market. Before the Revolution Aaron Lopez 
owned thirty ships, sailing back and forth between the West Indies, 
Europe and the Colonies. Jacob Rodriguez had a virtual monopoly 
of the sperm oil industry. Trading with the Indians was very 
lucrative. Hayman Levy engaged in this commerce, and made 
a fortune exporting furs to Europe. It is said that he was the 
first employer of John Jacob Astor, paying him one dollar a day 
for beating furs. 

The first Jewish settlers in Newport, Rhode Island, had relatives 

and business partners in the West Indies. To the ordinary 

commodities of import and export of staples and furs from and to 

Europe, these Jewish merchants soon added traffic in African slaves. 

Benjamin Franklin was sent to Europe to raise funds for the 
Colonies in their struggle for independence against Great Britain. 
Writing on November 26, 1781, from Passy to John Adams regard- 
ing his efforts to obtain a loan through a Jewish banker in 
Holland, Franklin said: "It seems to me that it is principally with 
Mr. Neufville we have to do; and tho' I believe him to be as much 
a Jew as any in Jerusalem, I did not expect that with so many and 
such constant Professions of Friendship for the United States with 
which he loads all his Letters, he would have attempted to inforce 


his Demands (which I doubt not will be extravagant enough) by a 
Proceeding so abominable." 

On December 14, 1781 Franklin reported again: "By this time, 
I fancy your Excellency is satisfy'd that I was wrong in supposing 
J. de Neufville as much a Jew as any in Jerusalem, since Jacob 
was not content with any per cents, but took the whole of his 
Brother Esau's Birthright, and his Posterity did the same by the 
Canaanites, and cut their Throats into the bargain; which, in my 
Conscience, I do not think Mr. J. de Neufville has the least inclina- 
tion to do by us — while he can get anything by our being alive." 

J. de Neufville demanded the Thirteen Colonies with all their 

"income, revenue and produce" as security until the loan was paid 

with interest. 


Jewish writers and organized Jewry have ranted against a state- 
ment attributed to Benjamin Franklin made at Philadelphia, and 
allegedly contained in the Journal of Charles Coatesworth Pinckney 
of South Carolina, reporting the proceedings of the Constitutional 
Convention of 1789. On June 14, 1892, a Mrs. Henry Crane Robinson 
with her daughter visited the Franklin Museum in Philadelphia and 
there saw publicly exhibited behind a glass-covered showcase a 
portion of Pinckney's Journal containing the statement attributed 
to Franklin. Mrs. Robinson, in her daughter's presence, is said 
to have copied the statement in her note book. Later the daughter, 
then Mrs. Edward Nelson Dingley, verified, before a notary, her 
mother's penciled copy of the Franklin statement. In 1892 a Frank 
P. Illsley is said to have compared the copy of Pinckney's Journal 
with one in England. He visited the Franklin Museum and is 
reported to have found the Pinckney exhibit precisely as described 
by Mrs. Dingley. The Journal disappeared somewhere between 
1892 and 1929. The Congressional Record (February 27, 1929, page 
2713) states that Mr. Barkley favorably reported that $37,500.00 
be provided for the Library of Congress to acquire from Harry 
Stone, 24 East 58th Street, the whole or any part of the papers 
of Charles Coatesworth Pinckney . . . relating to the Constitutional 
convention. The list of the papers from Stone did not include 
the Franklin notes. 

The Jews contend that the Fanklin statement is a forgery over 
the name of a great American to discredit the Jews. A forgery, 
ordinarily, is something that passes as an original. It is char- 
acterized by the fact that it so closely resembles the real thing that 
the average person accepts it without question. By raising the 
question of "source" the real issue of the truth of a statement is 
generally lost in the heat of the diversionary controversy. Whether 
or not Franklin uttered the sentiments contained in the Convention 
statement is actually of little importance. The real issue is 


whether or not the statement is true; whether or not it is based 
on historical fact and experience. The statement is as follows: 
"There is great danger for the United States of America. 
This great danger is the Jew. Gentlemen, in which ever land 
the Jews have settled they have depressed the moral level, 
and lowered the degree of commercial honesty. They have 
remained apart, and unassimulated, oppressed; they attempt to 
strangle the nation financially as in the case of Portugal 
and Spain. 

"For more than seventeen hundred years lamented their 
sorrowful fate, that they have been driven out of their mother 
land; but Gentlemen, if the civilized world would give them 
back Palestine and their property they would immediately find 
pressing reasons for not returning there. Why? Because they 
are vampires, they cannot live among themselves, they must 
live among Christians and others not belonging to their race. 
If they are not excluded by the Constitution, within less than 
one hundred years they will stream into this country in such 
numbers that they will rule and destroy us, change our form 
of government, our party, and our personal freedom, for which 
we Americans shed our blood and sacrificed our lives. If the 
Jews are not excluded, within one hundred years our children 
will be working in the fields to feed the Jews, while they 
remain in the Counting House rubbing their hands. 

"I warn you, Gentlemen, if you do not exclude the Jews now 
and forever, your children's children will curse you in your 
graves. Their ideas are not those of Americans, even when 
they have lived among us for ten generations. The leopard 
cannot change his spots. The Jews are a danger to this land: 
if they are allowed to enter they will imperil our Institutions. 
They should be excluded by the Constitution." 

Haym Salomon was a Polish Jew. He arrived in the Colonies in 
1772 and married Rachel Franks, a daughter of Moses Franks of 
New York. Rachel was related to Jacob Franks, commissary to 
the British during the French and Indian War. She was also 
related to David Franks of Philadelphia, and the latter's daughter, 
Rebecca, who married General Sir Henry Johnson. Other relatives 
were David Solesbury Franks and Colonel Isaac Franks. Armed 
with these connections, Salomon was able to ingratiate himself 
with Robert Morris, the Superintendent of Finance of the Col- 
onial Government. Morris permitted Salomon to call himself 
"Broker to the Office of Finance," and so records in his diary. 
He was also broker to the French army in America. Through 
these "connections" Salomon was able to float about two hundred 
thousand dollars worth of securities for which he was paid 



In Collier's magazine, May 11, 1940, a Jew by the name of Dr. 
D. H. Dubrovsky, onetime intimate of Lenin and the Jewish 
architects of the Russian Revolution, Trotsky, Zinovieff, et al, 
describes the efforts of the communists to persuade him to collect 


from the United States government several million dollars allegedly 
due to the heirs of Haym Salomon, celebrated by American Jews 
as the "Financier of the Revolution." At that time, Dubrovsky 
was the head of the Soviet Red Cross in the United States. That 
Haym Salomon was the "Financier of the Revolution," is, of course. 
Jewish mythology. Max James Kohler, a prominent Jewish lawyer, 
in an open letter to Congressman Emanuel Celler of New York 
presented a mass of evidence showing that Salomon was little 
more than a broker for Robert Morris, the true financial genius 
of the Revolution, and that, for his services, Salomon had been 
paid as brokers are usually paid — by a commission on all trans- 
actions in which he had a hand. 

A A A A A A 

At the close of the Revolutionary War there were about three 

thousand Jews in the United States. By 1840 their number had 

increased to about fifteen thousand — Sephardic Jews for the 

greater part, bearing Spanish and Portuguese names. These Jews 

were undoubtedly the aristocrats of all Jewry. The centuries of 

contact with Spanish culture and Christian civilization had been 

a refining and polishing process, in spite of the tenacity with which 

they adhered to their Jewishness. The appearance in the United 

States of the Ashkenazic Jews from northern and central Europe, 

with their crude and uncultured mannerisms, shocked and humiliated 

these Jews from Spain and Portugal. Although they could not 

keep these new-comers from their synagogues, it was many years 

before the Ashkenazic Jew was permitted to inter-marry with 

the Sephardim. 


Thomas Jefferson, fearing the alien mind, customs and culture, 
on the new nation, was opposed to unrestricted immigration. 'But 
are there no inconveniences to be thrown into the scale against the 
advantage expected from a multiplication of numbers by the 
importation of foreigners?" he demands in his Notes On Virginia. 
"It is for the happiness of those united in society," he answers, 
"to harmonize as much as possible in matters which they must of 
necessity transact together. Civil government being the sole object 
of forming societies, its administration must be conducted by 
common consent. Every species of government has its specific 
principles. Ours perhaps are more peculiar than those of any 
other in the universe. It is a composition of the freest principles 
of the English constitution, with others derived from natural right 
and natural reason. To these nothing can be more opposed than 
the maxims of absolute monarchies. Yet from such we are to 
expect the greatest numbers of emigrants. They will bring with 
them the principles of the governments they leave, imbibed in 
their early youth; or, if able to throw them off, it will be in ex- 


change for an unbridled licentiousness, passing, as is usual, from 

one extreme to another. It would be a miracle were they to stop 

precisely at the point of temperate liberty. These principles, with 

their language, they will transmit to their children. In proportion 

to their numbers, they will share with us the legislation. They 

will infuse into it their spirit, warp and bias its directions, and 

render it a heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mass." 

The German or Ashkenazic Jew came to America as part of a 
general German migration which began in 1815 and continued into 
the nineties. Within that period — 1815 to 1890 — about two hundred 
thousand Ashkenazic Jews migrated to the United States. In 1890 
there were a quarter of a million Jews in the country, the greater 
part of which were in New York City. The Sephardim was now 
almost lost in the teeming Ashkenazim. Very few Khazar Jews — 
from Russia and Eastern Europe — had set foot in the United States 
before 1880. Thousands of the German Jews who found refuge in 
America had participated in the revolutions that had shaken 
Europe, and fled the wrath of the governments they had sought 
to destroy. 


The Independent Order B'nai B'rith (Sons of the Covenant) was 
organized in 1843. Its purpose to keep alive the promise of world 
domination is evident in its name. It was established by twelve 
Ashkenazic Jews. The secret ritual was in German — as, indeed, 
was the first name of the order — Bundes Bruder. The ritual was 
translated into English later, and by 1858, the membership had 
grown to three thousand. During the Civil War it had twenty- 
thousand members. Only Jews, of course, were eligible to member- 
ship. The Anti-Defamation League was the Order's ultimate 
creation. The international character of the B'nai B'rith is evi- 
denced by its rapid spread to foreign countries. A lodge was 
chartered in Berlin in 1882. England, Palestine, Turkey, Austria 
and other countries followed. By 1930 there were seven Grand 
Lodges in the United States and eight abroad. B'nai B'rith Hillel 
Foundations are now found on the campuses of most of America's 

The Free Sons of Israel was organized in 1849. 

The Order Brith Abraham came into being in 1859. 

Then came Kesher shel Barzel, the Independent Order Brith 

Abraham, and many others. 


Judah P. Benjamin was born in the West Indies. He was a 
brilliant lawyer. He served in the United States Senate before the 
War between the States, and later served as Attorney General, 
Secretary of War, and Secretary of State of the Confederacy. John 
Slidell was a fellow Senator of Benjamin's from Louisiana. He 
became Confederate envoy to France soon after the war began. 


It was not certain whether Slidell was Jewish but he was accepted 
by the leading Jewish families of Paris. Benjamin, of course, was 
a Jew. 

Slidell was able to persuade the Jewish banking house of 
Erlanger et Cie to make a loan to the Confederacy. Whether the 
marriage of Slidell's daughter, Matilda, to Erlanger's son influenced 
the banker is not known, but the loan speaks for itself. It is 
estimated that Erlanger made about $2,700,000 on the deal. The 
Confederacy obtained about two and a half million dollars from 
the bond issue for which it had pledged payment of fifteen million 
in capital and seven percent in interest. 

When the Confederacy fell Judah P. Benjamin fled to England 
where he was soon embarked upon a new career of distinction 
and profit. 


The Northern Jews apparently presented a serious problem to the 
Union during the Civil War. On page 330 of Series One, Vol. XVII, 
Part II, of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate 
Armies, there appears a communication from Major General U. S, 
Grant to Major General Hurlburt, then stationed at Jackson, 
Tennessee. Writing at La Grange, Tennessee, November 9, 1862, 
General Grant commanded: "Refuse all permits to come south of 
Jackson for the present. The Israelites especially should be kept 
out ..." 

On November 10, 1862, Grant wrote to General Webster at 
Jackson: "Give orders to all the conductors on the road that no 
Jews are to be permitted to travel on the railroad from any point. 
They may go north and be encouraged in it; but they are such an 
intolerable nuisance that the department must be purged of them." 

On December 17, 1862, from the Headquarters of the Thirteenth 
Army Corps at Oxford, Mississippi, Grant addressed the Assistant 
Secretary of War, C. P. Wolcott: 

"I have long since believed that in spite of all the vigilance 
that can be infused into post commanders, the specie regulations 
of the Treasury Department have been violated and that mostly 
by Jews and other unprincipled traders. So well satisfied have 
I been of this that I instructed the commanding officer at 
Columbus to refuse all permits to Jews to come South, and I 
have frequently had them expelled from the department, but 
they come in with their carpet-sacks in spite of all that can be 
done to prevent it. The Jews seem to be a privileged class 
that can travel anywhere. They will land at any woodyard 
on the river and make their way through the country. If not 
permitted to buy cotton themselves they will act as agents for 
someone else, who will be at a military post with a Treasury 
permit to receive cotton and pay for it in Treasury notes which 
the Jew will buy up at an agreed rate, paying in gold." 
General Grant ultimately lost his patience and issued General 
Order No. 11, as Commander of the Thirteenth Army Corps, 
Department of Tennessee. The Order reads as follows: 


"The Jews, as a class violating every regulation of trade 
established by the Treasury Department and also department 
orders, are hereby expelled from the Department within 
twenty-four hours from the receipt of this order. 

"Post commanders will see that all of this class of people 
be furnished passes and required to leave, and any one 
returning after such notification will be arrested and held in 
confinement until an opportunity occurs of sending them out 
as prisoners, unless furnished with permit from headquarters. 
"No passes will be given these people to visit trade head- 
quarters for the purpose of making personal application for 
trade permits. 

"By order of Maj. Gen. U. S. Grant 
"Jno. A. Rawlins, 
"Assistant Adjustant-General." 
Organized Jewry was on its way to Washington almost as soon 
as the Order was posted. Its influence was immediately effective. 
On January 4, 1863, the General-in-Chief, H. W. Halleck, addressed 
General Grant as follows: "A paper purporting to be General 
Order No. 11, issued by you December 17, has been presented here. 
By its terms it expells all Jews from your department. If such 
an order has been issued, it will be immediately revoked." On 
January 7, 1863 Grant revoked the order. 

Meanwhile other Union generals were complaining of the Jews. 
Brigadier General L. F. Ross wrote to Major General John A. 
McClernand: "The cotton speculators are quite clamorous for aid 
in getting their cotton away from Middleburg, Hickory Valley, etc., 
and offer to pay liberally for the service. I think I can bring it 
away with safety, and make it pay to the Government. As some 
of the Jew owners have as good as stolen the cotton from the 
planters, I have no conscientious scruples in making them pay 
liberally to take it away." 

General W. T. Sherman, in a letter written from Memphis, 
July 30, 1862, says, in part: "I found so many Jews and speculators 
here trading in cotton, and secessionists had become so open in 
refusing anything but gold, that I have felt myself bound to stop 
it. The gold can have but one use — the purchase of arms and 
ammunition. . . . Of course, I have respected all permits by 
yourself or the Secretary of the Treasury, but in these new cases 
(swarms of Jews) I have stopped it." 

Jewish influence on the government of the United States became 
manifest in 1840. Instructions were dispatched to John Gliddon, 
consul at Alexander, Egypt, by Secretary John Forsyth on August 
14, 1840, directing him to assist the European powers in their 
efforts to pressure the Egyptian government concerning the treat- 
ment of their Jewish subjects. The same instructions were dis- 
patched to David Porter, United States Minister to Turkey, in 
reference to the Jewish subjects of that country. It was probably 
the first time that the United States officially intervened on behalf 


of aliens. Not one of the Jews in question were citizens of the 
United States. Public meetings were called by American Jews 
in New York, Philadelphia, and Richmond. Christian Americans, 
who knew absolutely nothing about the political questions involved, 
were induced to attend these meetings and add their names to 
petitions for United States intervention. Among the Jews 
responsible for this agitation were J. B. Kurscheedt and Theodor J. 
Seixas of New York; Jacob Ezekiel of Richmond, and Isaac Leeser 
and John Moss of Philadelphia. 

In 1850 A. Dudley Mann negotiated a treaty with the Swiss 
Confederation. Among other things the treaty contained a clause 
which provided that only Christians were entitled to the privileges 
granted by Switzerland. The treaty was transmitted to the Senate 
February 13, 1851, by President Fillmore. Influential Jews had 
prevailed on the President to take exception to the "Christian 
clause" in his message of transmittal. The Jews immediately set 
up a vigorous protest against ratification by the Senate and 
succeeded in enlisting the support of Daniel Webster and Henry 
Clay, who went on record as opposing ratification. Isaac Leeser, 
David Einhorn, J. M. Cardoza, and Jonas P, Levy led the Jewish 
pressure group and they were successful in recruiting Christian 
opposition to the "Christian clause". 

The treaty, after being amended, was ratified by the Senate, 
November 9, 1855. 

In 1857 an American Jew by the name of A. H. Gootman, was 
ordered to leave Chaux-de-Fonds, in Neuchatel, having resided 
there illegally. The treaty, although amended, clearly provided 
for the exercise of this power. Immediately American Jews called 
public meetings in Pittsburgh, Indianapolis, Charleston, Baltimore, 
and elsewhere. Isaac M. Wise publicized the affair and protested 
in his publication "The Israelite"; David Einhorn and Isaac Leeser 
did likewise in their respective papers, "Sinai" and "The Occident." 
A delegation appointed by a Jewish convention in Baltimore called 
on President Buchanan and demanded that the treaty be abrogated. 
The President promised to do what he could. Through Jewish 
influence many newspapers of general circulation were induced to 
express vigorous editorial protests against the treaty. 

For the first time in history the Jews, who claimed to be a 
separate nation, demanded, on the basis of its alleged citizenship 
in one nation, the right to live in another nation that had exercized 
its sovereignty in excluding them from its domain. American 
Jews, having found a soft spot in the political system of the 
United States, extended their demands to include the Jews of 
all nations to reside in Switzerland! Theodore Fay, the Amer- 
ican minister, was persuaded to take up the case of Gootman, 
and initiated considerable agitation on his behalf until he was re- 
called in 1860. Through Fay's intervention Gootman was permitted 
to remain at Chaux-de-Fonds by the canton of Neuchatel. Fay 


wrote a paper entitled "Israelite Note," which he transmitted to 
the Federal Council of the Swiss Confederation in 1859. As a 
result of the continuous agitation, several cantons repealed the 
laws excluding Jews from their territories. The Board of Dele- 
gates of American Israelites, of which Henry I. Hart was president 
and Myer S. Isaacs was secretary, continued its agitation in the 
United States. Hart was successful in persuading Secretary of State 
Seward to exert diplomatic pressure on Switzerland, and Fogg, 
Fay's successor, was instructed to vigorously pursue the subject 
with Swiss officials. As a result the restrictions were abolished 
by the Swiss Constitution of 1874. 

The techniques so successfully employed against the Swiss 
Confederation were to be employed with varying success against 
other countries, notably Servia, Turkey and Russia. In subsequent 
cases, pressure for United States' intervention lacked the original 
pretext of United States citizenship. The Board of Delegates of 
American Israelites asked Secretary Seward in 1863 to use his 
official office on behalf of the Jews of Morocco. The Secretary 
in compliance, instructed the United States Consul at Tangier to 
assist Sir Moses Monteflore who was already in Tangier on behalf 
of the Moroccan Jews. It appears that nine or ten Jews had been 
charged with murder and were imprisoned at Saffee. An account 
of their plight was dispatched to Sir Moses Monteflore and the 
Board of Delegates of British Jews, and following the usual agita- 
tion, Monteflore was enabled to secure the support of the English 
government and hastened to Morocco. The pressures on the 
Sultan were successful and the Jews were liberated. 

In 1867 the Board of Delegates of American Israelites again 
asked the United States to intervene on behalf of foreign Jews — 
this time in Roumania. As usual the government responded but, 
in this instance, without any notable success. 

The Russian problem presented many factors that distinguished 
it from other territories. Many of the "American" Jews arriving 
in Russia either had been expelled or had fled from that country 
because of their revolutionary activities. These Jews had sought 
refuge in the United States and, in due course, had been naturalized. 
Armed with American credentials and protected by the American 
Flag they returned to Russia to carry on their revolutionary 
activities. When Russian intelligence became aware of the strate- 
gem it acted to protect itself. The treaty of 1832 between the 
United States and Russia was made at a time when there were very 
few Jews in the United States and it is doubtful if any of them 
were Russian Jews at that time. 

In addition to the strictly political aspects of the Russian problem 
there was the very important matter of domestic policy — policy that 
had been meticulously enforced since the earlist days of the empire. 
The exclusion of the Khazar Jews from Holy Russia had been 


deemed essential to the preservation of both Christianity and the 
government. Russia's amazing Jewish population, as has been 
seen, grew out of the annexation of territories acquired as a result 
of the various partitions of Poland. Russian law excluding Jews 
from Russia proper had been extended to these teeming Jewish 
populations and had brought about the establishment of the Pale of 
Settlement. In 1832, at the time of the treaty with the United States, 
the Russian government could not have possibly foreseen the 
difficulties that the treaty would present after 1880. That the Khazar 
Jews — either driven from Russia because of criminal and revolu- 
tionary activities, or having fled to avoid arrest, should return as 
Americans was a development that no one might have foreseen. 
That these Jews should prove to be powerful enough to force the 
United States government to intercede for them under the circum- 
stances was a phenomenon that sorely tried the diplomatic skill 
of Russia. The American Jews were successful in convincing 
United States officialdom that Russia's attitude was predicated 
solely on religious intolerance. Apparently no one questioned the 
peculiar desire of a naturalized citizen to return to and live in a 
land from whence he had fled and from whence he had been 
excluded by law for centuries. 

The Jews of the United States, Great Britain, and France, 
utilized every channel of propaganda in publicizing the "religious" 
intolerance and discrimination of Czarist Russia. To the age-old 
techniques of "back-stair" diplomacy and the bribing of public 
officials, American, British, and French Jews added the power of 
the press. Where Jewish merchants maintained great retail 
establishments, newspaper advertising became highly important to 
their operations, and an economic necessity to the newspapers. 
Large advertising accounts merited editorial consideration, and 
Jewish propaganda societies were quick to take advantage of this 
new channel of influence. The newspapers that carried the greatest 
number of advertisements of Jewish merchants usually echoed 
Jewish agitation editorially. This medium of public-opinion-molding 
would increase through the years, until the editorial policies of the 
great American newspapers would be determined in the council- 
chambers of organized Jewry, rather than in the newspaper offices 
of the country's great newspapers. The periodicals of the eighties 
and nineties probably accepted the Jewish "handouts" on Russia 
without question or investigation. Russia was far away, and if the 
local Jewish community was upset about the "religious discrimina- 
tion" of their "co-religionists" in that mysterious land and wanted 
something said about it in the newspapers — well, it increases 
circulation, doesn't it? 

While Jewish agitation in the United States and Europe created 
an unfovorable impression of Russia and laid a sinister ground- 
work that ultimately contributed to its down-fall, the Czar's 


government refused to yield to the pressures exerted on it. Henry 
M. Goldfogle, a member of Congress from New York, kept up the 
agitation in the House of Representatives and presidents and 
secretaries of state continued to bombard Russia with the custom- 
ary notes of protest. 


The Khazar Jewish invasion of the United States began in 1881. 
They poured in not only from Russia, but from Poland, Galacia, 
Roumania and Eastern Europe. Between 1881 and 1920 — a period 
of forty years — two million Khazar Jews entered the United States. 
During eight of those years a hundred thousand Jews a year passed 
through Ellis Island. 

The Jewish population increase in the United States is out of all 
proportion to the national population increase. While the popula- 
tion of the United States as a whole increased 325 percent in the 
period from 1790 to 1840, the Jewish population increased 400 per- 
cent. During the next forty years the national increase was 200 
percent, while the Jewish population increased 1400 percent, or 
seven times as fast as the population of the country as a whole. 
From 1880 to 1920 the general increase was 112 percent, while the 
Jewish increase was 1300 percent, or eleven times as fast as the 
population of the nation as a whole. 

The Khazar Jews spoke Yiddish, and very few of them were able 
to speak the tongue of the land from whence they came. They 
were fanatical in their Judaism. As Jefferson had predicted, the 
liberty of the United States proved a strong wine for many of them. 
In Russia and Eastern Europe they had either bribed, assassinated, 
or fled from the authorities. In the United States they could join 
a political party and vote for a president. In Eastern Europe the 
Khazar Jew might not too openly call for the destruction of the 
government. In America it was part of the right of free speech. 
One might not too openly sneer and blaspheme Christianity in 
Poland and Russia, but it was considered rather smart and clever 
under the American Flag. 

There is little wonder, therefore, that when the bronze plaque 

was placed at the base of the Statue of Liberty in New York 

harbor it bore the sonnet of the Jewess Emma Lazarus. No 

American Christian was found worthy of the honor. 

The twentieth century found the Jews firmly entrenched in the 
economic and political life of every Christian nation. Thoroughly 
organized in the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany 
and other nations, Jewry influenced and directed public officials, 
and largely controlled international diplomacy. Through its 
concerted economic pressures Jewry influenced and directed the 
editorial policies of the major newspapers and periodicals, and thus 


became a potent factor in directing public opinion. The develop- 
ment, operation and control of motion pictures, radio and television 
were in Jewish hands from the beginning, and as the twentieth 
century unfolded Jewish propaganda molded the course of history. 





"When we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat, the 
subordinate officers of all revolutionary parties, and at the same 
time, when we rise, there rises also our terrible power of the 

"The Jewish State", Theodor Herzl 

pHRISTIANITY was still a powerful force at the dawn of the 
'■' nineteenth century. Tides of doubt had swept across Europe, 
lapping at its foundations, but the Cross stood fast. The onslaught 
of the flood-waters of the Reformation and the Renaissance had 
threatened its very existence for a time, but when the waves 
receded the rock on which the Church had been founded was intact 
in its age-old strength. True, its solidarity had been broken, but 
its doctrines, culture, and the civilization it had wrought, prevailed. 
If its message of humanity and good-will had not touched and 
redeemed all men, its influence had softened and restrained them. 
Most of all it had raised man from an insignificant lump of clay 
and had given him a position of equality before God and the laws 
of the land. It had endowed him with an immortal soul. The 
most humble had found a mantle of dignity. An universal sense 
of freedom under God pervaded the minds of men; the concept that 
God had created all men equal before Him; that every man was 
endowed by his Creator with certain rights that no man or group 
of men might justly violate. 

Christianity had withstood the attacks of the Romans and the 
Jews; its adherents had met martyrdom, and the Cross had risen 
triumphant over the pagan world. It had turned back the fanatic 
thrust of the Moslem, and had met the challenge of Judaism. 
It had defended its faith on the field of battle and in the places 
of learning. Its missionaries had carried its message to the far 
and unknown places of the world. Its cathedrals adorned the 
cities of Europe and its art, learning, and culture enriched all 
mankind. Through the night of the Middle Ages it kept alight 
the torch of knowledge. Eternally harrassed by its ancient enemies, 
it sought to defend itself in the manner and spirit of the times, and, 
because its sons were also human, it often made mistakes of policy. 
For the greater part it dealt with an enemy whose nature it refused 
to understand; an enemy whose very existence depended upon the 
utter destruction of Christianity. 


The Jewish Encyclopedia informs us that the Jews have been 
prominently identified with the modern Socialist movement from 
its very inception. While this statement is true as far as it goes, 
it does not tell the whole truth. The fact is that the Jews authored 
so-called modern "scientific" socialism, and consistently have been 
its most vigorous propagandists and leaders. 

Although Karl Marx is entitled to dubious credit for the fermen- 
tation he called "socialism", he only may lay claim to having 
originated its alleged "scientific" aspect. The term "socialism" was 
first used in England and France in 1830 to describe the work and 
teaching of Robert Owen in Great Britain, and Francois Charles 
Fourier and Comte Claude Henride Rouvroy Saint-Simon in France. 



Marx took generous portions of Owenism, Fourierism, Saint- 
Simonism, Hegelianism, the atheism and materialism of Feurbach, 
the anarchy of Proudhon, the Nihilism of Russia, the terror of the 
French Revolution, and mixing the batch thoroughly in Talmudic 
dialectics, brought forth a sinister concoction he called "scientific 
socialism." The ingredients were the works of others, but the 
formula was singularly Jewish. With the birth of Marxism all 
other doctrines and movements bearing the name "socialist" became 
targets of Marxism criticism and attack. The "Utopian" socialists 
— Owen, Fourier, Saint-Simon and others — were (and are) con- 
sidered "unscientific", and the advocate of Marxism is more vitu- 
perative and vicious in his attacks on these "separate ingredients 
than he is in his tirades against capitalism. 

To the unsavory mess he called "socialism", Marx added the 
theories of another Jew, Lasselle, out of which came the identifica- 
tion of socialism with the working-class movement. The theory of 
"historical materialism" created the "proletariat versus the bour- 
geoise" and the "class struggle." The creation of "class conscious- 
ness" and the necessity of smashing by revolutionary violence all 
existing traditions, religions and cultures, became the immediate 
tasks of "scientific" socialism. 

Marx and Engels used the terms "socialism" and "communism" 
without any attempt to distinguish one from the other. After the 
publication of the "Communist Manifesto" in 1848 the terms 
actually merged and became nearly synonymous in general usage. 

The appearance of the "Communist Manifesto" marks the begin- 
ning of modern socialism. The second stage in its development 
may be said to date from 1864 with the formation of the First 
International. Marxism, of course, contemplates world domination 
and world government. The First International was called the Inter- 
national Working Men's Association. When the Socialist and Social 
Democratic parties in France, Germany and elsewhere were 
organized on a permanent basis, the word "socialist" was added so 
that it became the First Socialist International (1875). The Inter- 
national Socialist Bureau was founded in 1900 for the purpose of 
linking up the socialist parties throughout the world. 

Utopia is a Greek word, meaning "no place." It is the title that 
Sir Thomas More selected for his book, published in Latin in 1516. 
In Utopia, poverty and misery have been eliminated by the opera- 
tion of an ideal state where everything is worked out for the 
happiness of all mankind. The title of Sir Thomas More's book 
has since been applied to all subsequent concepts of ideal states 
created by social philosophers and visionaries. 

It has been said that the influence of Utopian writings has 
generally been inspirational rather than practical, but, nevertheless, 


such works have had an immense force in the history of thought. 
The name Utopia has been applied retroactively to various ideal 
states described before More's work. Thus Plato's Republic, and 
St. Augustine's City of God, are considered Utopian. 

Among the important Utopias before the nineteenth century are 
The City of the Sun (1623) by Tommaso Campanella, The New 
Atlantis (1627) by Francis Bacon, and Oceana (1656) by James 
Harrington. Cabet's Voyage en Icarie (1840) attempted to depict 
a fully developed ideal state, Icaria: Looking Backward (1888) by 
Edward Bellamy has had a strong influence on economic thinking 
in the United States. In England Erewhon (1872) by Samuel Butler, 
A Dream of John Ball (1888), and News from Nowhere (1891) by 
William Morris, exerted considerable influence on English idealism. 
Theodor Hertzka's Freeland (1890), spread Utopian ideas in Austria. 

The twentieth century released a torrent of Utopias. The advance 
of science had its effect upon modern imaginary states and most 
of them in the twentieth century are "scientific Utopias." Machines 
now resolve all the ancient problems and take over most of the 
tedious work of making a livelihood so that mankind is enabled to 
enjoy life-long leisure. H. G. Wells has authored a number of 
such works. 

Jean Jacques Rousseau and others gave considerable impetus 
to the belief in the ideal state. Generally these writers harkened 
to an imaginary primitive time when all was allegedly quiet and 
peaceful, when poverty was unknown, and force and oppression 
unthinkable. This same blissful condition would still exist, 
according to these writers, if civilization with its ideas of private 
property had not come along to corrupt it. Hence, it would follow 
that civilization should be abolished. But this belief in natural 
order and the innate goodness of man served to prompt the spread 
of a sort of visionary idealism which came to be known as 
"Utopian socialism." In this form the idea found response in the 
thinking of many Christians, and thus opened the way for the 
subsequent acceptance of Marx's Jewish socialism. 

Saint-Simon, Etienne Cabet, Charles Fourier, and Pierre Joseph 
Proudhon in France, and Robert Owen in England, were the out- 
standing leaders of the Utopian socialists. Practical experiments 
in Utopian social communities were tried in Europe and the United 
States, all of which floundered and died in a short time. 

These Utopian, humanitarian socialists were eventually shoved 
into obscurity by the rapid sweep of Marxism across Europe. 

Isaac and Emile Pereire were followers of Saint-Simon. Both 
were Jewish railroad promoters and financiers. Emile (Jacob) 
founded the Credit Fonciere de France, and the Societe Generate du 
Credit Mobilier. He was the editor of "he Globe" (1831-32), the 


ideological publication of the Saint Simonists. Isaac was the owner 
of the Paris daily "La Liberte" (1876-1880), in which he propagan- 
dized his political and industrial program. In 1880 he offered a 
prize of 100,000 francs, divided into four series, for the best works 

on social economics. 


Lob Baruch (1786-1837) was a German-Jewish political writer 

and satirist. He is said to have embraced Christianity and 

changed his name to Karl Ludwig Borne in 1818. He worked for 

"political freedom and social reforms." He became a leader of a 

literary party known as "Young Germany," and engaged in a 

bitter controversy with Heinrich Heine, another German Jew. 

Claude Henry de Rouvroy, Comte de Saint-Simon (1760-1825) was 
a French philosopher. He fought with the French army during the 
American Revolution and supported the French Revolution. He 
advanced what he termed a new science of society to do away 
with the inequalities in the distribution of property, power and 
happiness. Love for the poor and lowly was the basis for the 
reforms he advocated. On his return to France from America in 
1783 he went in for land speculation and amassed a considerable 
fortune, which he ultimately lost in various experiments. His 
theories were developed by his disciples into a system known as 
"Saint-Simonism." While there is very little in common between 
Saint-Simon and Karl Marx, other than the name, Saint-Simon is 
regarded as the founder of French Socialism. 

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) was born in Stutt- 
gart, Germany and died in Berlin. His philosophy is known as 
Hegelianism. Strange as it may seem, Hegel may be said to have 
laid the ground-work for Marx and modern so-called "scientific 
socialism." Whether Hegel intended to establish the postulate that 
everything that exists is worth destroying is beside the point; the 
"Young Hegelians" and the "Professors Club" so concluded. It 
followed that "truth does not simply exist; it is always in the 
process of being." Consequently nothing is sacred merely because 
it exists, and existing institutions are only the prelude to other 
and better institutions that must follow. This theory, of course, 
went one step beyond Nihilism. 

Hegelianism is both a doctrine and a method, and the two are 
held to be logically inseparable. The method is precisely the 
formulation of the doctrine, and the doctrine is precisely the 
detailed expression of the method. The method is the dialectic, 
which, formally, is constituted by the triadic dialectic of thesis, anti- 
thesis and synthesis. The ramifications of this method-doctrine are 
extremely difficult to follow and understand. Jews became particu- 


larly enamored of the Hegelian system because of its minute pil- 
pulistic approach and Talmudic reasoning. It supplied the mental 
machinery for the Jewish theological reform movement as well 
as the mental gymnastics for Marx's world communism. Hegel's 
method in the interpretation of history, therefore, is not only a 
fundamental doctrine for the communist conquest and domination 
of the world, but also "the basis for assigning to Israel a peculiar 
task, a mission ..." 

Samuel Hirsch became the most noted Jewish Hegelian. 

So-called Christian Socialism — or at least the basic elements 
on which it rests — made its appearance in Europe before Marx 
and Engels wrote the "Communist Manifesto." The hardships of 
the workers caught in the birth pangs of the industrial revolution 
stirred the compassion of individuals and groups within and with- 
out the Christian Church. Many Christians turned to the humani- 
tarian tenets of the Church and sought to alleviate the suffering 
of the workers by applying those principles to the problem. Caught 
in the flood-tide of rabbinical Marxism, many of these well mean- 
ing people became more socialistic than Christian. Others, par- 
ticularly in Germany and Austria, recognizing the Jewish origin 
and leadership of Socialism, deliberately espoused certain Marxian 
tenets in a futile effort to combat the Jewish conspiracy lurking 

behind the movement. 


De Lamennais, a French Catholic priest, born in 1782, was the 
first to be known as a Christian Socialist. He looked upon kings 
as oppressors of the people, and sought the assistance of the 
Church in a campaign against them. He conceived the Church 
as the soul of the economic world as well as of the religious world. 
He advocated that the Church call into existence a grand coopera- 
tive association of laborers, to have as its objective the destruction 
of the power of the capitalist and the landlord. Pursuant to his 
plan De Lamennais sought an aduience with Pope Leo XII, which 
was granted. He was well received and the Pope was impressed 
with his ideas, apparently believing that the plan had merit. De 
Lamennais, growing impatient, published his "L'Avenir" which 
contained the slogan: "Separate yourselves from the King, extend 
your hand to the people." He called upon Pope Gregory XVI, 
Pope Leo's successor, to support him in this treasonable propa- 
ganda, and upon the Pope's refusal, he resigned from the Church. 
He added fuel to Marx's sputtering fire with the publication of 
'The Words of a Believer," in which he attempted to describe the 
wrongs inflicted upon the workers by the rulers and capitalists. He 
concluded that the plight of wage earners was worse in many 
respects than that of chattel slaves. 


The Christian Socialist trend in England was more significant 
in the destiny of western civilization than the movement started 
by De Lamennais. Frederick Denison Maurice and Charles Kings- 
ley were the founders and leaders of the movement. 

Maurice was the son of a Unitarian minister. He was born in 
1805. As a member of a debating club that had grown out of an 
Owenite society, he became impressed with the socialist popaganda 
of the Chartist movement. His economic philosophy followed that 
of Owen, and differed widely from the political chartists. He 
condemned the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people as atheistic 
and subversive. His visit with John M. Ludlow at King's College 
marked a turning point in his life. 

Charles Kingsley was born in 1819. He was a minister. He was 
an aggresive revolutionary in his economic philosophy. Where 
Maurice was mild and unobtrusive, Kingsley was enthusiastic and 
bombastic. They met on common ground, however, in their con- 
ception of the function of religion. They looked upon the world 
as a manifestation of God's order. Man, in his greed and selfish- 
ness, had caused deviation from God's original principles. Only 
the reestablishment of a universal, practical Christianity could 
check the trend toward chaos. "We are teaching," Maurice wrote, 
"true socialism, true liberty, brotherhood and equality — not the 
carnal dead level equality of the community, nor the spiritual 
equality of the Church idea, which gives every man an equal 
chance of developing, and rewards every man according to his 

Maurice and Kingsley, though plowing a deep trench in the 
English mind that must some day permit the filthy waters of 
Marxism to overflow its thinking, sought to infuse a spirit of 
Christian brotherhood into the terrible conditions of their time. 
Consequently the "socialism" they preached cannot be included 
in the Marxist school. 

The Chartist movement came to an end in 1848, the same year 
that saw the publication of the "Communist Manifsto." It bad 
started in 1838 after the failure of the Reform Bill of 1832 — a 
proposal to extend the vote to the working class of England. The 
movement took its name from the "People's Charter," a document 
drafted by William Lovett and Francis Place. An economic de- 
pression had served to bring about wide-spread approval of the 
proposal. The trade unions and such labor leaders as Feargus 
O'Connor supported the movement, which was the first of its kind 
in England. A general strike was called and rioting added to the 
turmoil. Some reforms came out of the agitation, but the move- 
ment died out with the return of prosperity. 

John M. Ludlow, after visiting in Paris, returned to England 
and told Maurice that he believed Socialism had become a powerful 


factor in the world. Its Jewishness and its appeal to all the lower 
instincts in human lile must eventually destroy Christianity. Both 
men were convinced that civilization could only be served if the 
concept of socialism was directed to higher moral instincts. The 
brotherhood of man, they believed, would be possible if socialism 
was "Christianized". 

The manufacturing of clothing has always been a Jewish indus- 
try. In Kingsley's England the plight of the workers in these 
Jewish "sweat shops" was deplorable. Kingsley's investigations 
of this industry resulted in his book "Cheap Clothes and Nasty." 
It is said to be one of the most powerful indictments of the "sweat- 
ing" system in all literature. The book and an article in Fraser's 
Magazine by Maurice created great excitement. Ludlow urged 
the establishment of cooperatives such as he had seen in Paris. 
Although the name "Christian Socialism" had been first used in 
Robert Owen's "New Moral World" November 7, 1840, the work 
of Maurice and Kingsley resulted in its adoption generally after 
the appearance of "Cheap Clothes and Nasty" and Maurice's 
pamphlets. "That is the only name," they declared, "which will 
define our object and will commit us at once to the conflict we 
must engage in sooner or later with the unsocial Christians and 
the un-Christian socialists." 

Maurice wrote the first tract for the movement. Anyone who 
recognized the principles of cooperation as being stronger and 
truer than those of competition was justly called a socialist, he 
declared. He included Owen, Fourier and Louis Blanc as falling 
within his definition. Owen had regarded the influence of environ- 
ment as being of paramount importance in the development of 
political and economic destiny, and Maurice later attempted to 
disprove this view, contending that there is nothing incompatible 
between Christianity and socialism and that the two should work 

A building was rented in London and the Working Tailor's Asso- 
ciation was organized, starting with twelve tailors under the lead- 
ership of Walter Cooper, a former chartist. Within a short time 
there were seventeen such cooperatives operating in London. The 
first successes were remarkable. The "Christian Socialist," a 
weekly publication edited by Ludlow, was launched in the fall of 
1850. Opposition quickly developed. Advertisements were refused 
by the newspapers of general circulation. The "Christian Socialist" 
was barred by France, and English book-sellers refused to sell 
copies of the organization's publications. A committee from King's 
College was appointed to make an investigation of the movement. 
In 1852, however, protection of law was extended to cooperatives, 
recognizing them as separate entities for the first time in history. 
In January of that year the "Christian Socialist" was replaced 


by the "Journal of Association," edited by Thomas Hughes, author 
of "Tom, Brown's School Days." The name of the society was 
changed to the Association for Promoting Industrial and Provi- 
dent Societies. 

The inevitable collapse of the cooperatives, traceable to the 
defects inherent in the theory, occurred at the close of 1853. Many 
of the members were robbed of their funds. Internal dissension 
and indifference destroyed some of the ventures, and rival and 
competitives cooperatives contributed to the general decline and 
decay. A philanthropist who became interested in the movement, 
E. Vansittart, assisted financially, but the outlay was too great 
and he was soon compelled to withdraw his support. Maurice and 
Kingsley, probably concluding that the movement's chief weakness 
was the lack of education among its members, opened the Work- 
ingmen's College in 1854. 

By 1855 the Christian Socialist movement had ceased to be an 
issue in England. 

The results of the conceded good intentions of Maurice and 
Kingsley were two-fold. The immediate effect was to bring to 
the minds of the leaders and laymen of Christian Churches the 
deplorable conditions and sufferings of the workers of England. 
At the same time these leaders and laymen accepted, either con- 
sciously or otherwise, the idea that the basic principles of social- 
ism were compatible with Christian principles. The second result 
was a long range effect; a sort of corroding acid that must take 
years to complete its destructive task, but the day-to-day progress 
of which is now clearly discernible in retrospection. The Christian 
principles of compassion and benevolence that had opened the 
portals of the mind to the suffering and hardships of the English 
worker, also permitted easy access to the atheism and despotism 
of Jewish Marxism. The advocacy of Maurice and Kingsley of 
the basic principles of socialism, mild and honest as they were, 
was actually a compromise between Christian justice and compas- 
sion, and the tyranny and slavery of Marxism. While Maurice 
and Kingsley were wrestling with the economic problems of their 
day and thinking in terms of the socialism of Owen, Fourier and 
the other Utopians, rather than in terms of the sinister doctrines 
of Marx, they nevertheless prepared the English mind for the future 
acceptance of a type of socialism that they had condemned as 
atheistic and subversive. The socialism they conceived did not 
bear the materialistic brand that would characterize the "scientific 
socialism" of Marx. But once the term was fixed with approval 
in the Christian mind, its refinements and defiinitions must even- 
tually cancel out the "Christian" adjective. Materialism must 
banish God and Christ, so that only Marx might remain. 

Both Maurice and Kingsley have been accused of suffering from 


"a morbid craving lor notoriety," but there is every reason to 
believe that they were both honest and sincere men, devoted to 
the basic principles of Christianity as they understood them. Un- 
wittingly certainly, but none the less deadly, their work became 
the most disastrous application of the psychological Trojan Horse 
principle since the fall of Troy. Under the guise of Christianity 
the Pandora box of atheism and hate was easily concealed in the 
Church vestry. When the lid was opened and the congregation 
infected, the doors of the Church opened wide for the triumphal 
entrance of Marx's disciples. 

The Christian clergy, both Catholic and Protestant, made stren- 
uous attempts to interest their respective Churches in the problems 
of the working class in Germany and Austria. The Bishop of 
Mainz, Baron von Kettler (1811-1877), accepted many of the ideas 
of the social democrats, and advocated labor legislation and the 
development of productive cooperatives under Catholic auspices 
with state financial support, F. C. J. Moufang, Franz Hitze, Adolph 
Kolping and others were active in various movements of this nature. 

Karl Lueger (1844-1910) adopted the program of the German 
Catholic cooperators and organized the Austrian Christian Socialist 
Party. He and his followers in Austria impressed and alarmed by 
the Jewish character of the labor and socialist parties, apparently 
hoped to counter-act the rising tide of Jewish Marxism by adopting 
some of its principles and dubbing the result "Christian" — a fatal 
strategy. The Austrian Christian Socialist Party exerted such 
strong opposition to the Jewish-led Marxist organization that 
Lueger and his followers were soon smeared by the Jewish groups 
as "anti-Semitic." Lueger was elected Mayor of Vienna in 1897 
and held that post until his death. 

Albert de Mun (1841-1914) organized a similar group in France, 
the Action Liberate Francaise, virtually the Catholic Socialist Party 
of France. 

Stacker, the Court preacher of the Hohenzollerns, organized the 
Christian Social Workingman's Party in Germany to oppose the 
Jewish Marx-Lassalle groups. Stacker looked to labor legislation 
and urged the monarch to take the lead in social reforms. He was 
primarily interested in bringing the people back to the Church. 

Friedrich Naumann, in the nineties, unsuccessfully sought to 
capture German Protestantism for the radical social reform move- 


In the eighties the Rev. Stewart D. Headlam in England organ- 
ized the Guild of St. Matthew, and edited its organ, the Church 
Reformer. He was an outspoken avocate of Christian Socialism. 
In 1889, the Christian Social Union was founded under the leader- 


ship of the Bishop of Durham. Bishop Gore, Bishop Stubbs and 
many others became members. About the same time Dr. John 
Clifford, among others, formed the Christian Socialist League. 

In recent years many hundreds of churchmen in Great Britain 
have identified themselves and their faiths with the British Labor 
Party, the Guild Socialist League, the Independent Labor Party, 
and many other socialist organizations. 

Christianity in the United States was not to escape the insidious 
infection of Jewish socialism. The virus spanned the Atlantic 
before Russia disgorged its revolutionary Khazar hordes through 
America's open gates at Ellis Island. The Christian Labor Union 
was organized in 1872, and such names as the Rev. Josiah Strong, 
Professor Richard T. Ely, George D. Herron, Washington Gladden 
and others gave it prestige. In 1889 an Episcopal clergyman, the 
Rev. W. D. P. Bliss, organized the American Christian Socialist 
Society. Within the first quarter of the twentieth century addi- 
tional "Christian" organizations would tend to make atheistic 
socialism respectable. Among these would be the Collectivist So- 
ciety, (with such men as Rufus W. Weeks of the New York Life 
Insurance Company listed as a vice-president); the Christian So- 
cialist League; Church Socialist League; Church League for Indus- 
trial Democracy; Fellowship of Reconciliation, and the Fellowship 
for a Christian Social Order. 

Walter Rauschenbusch (see Committee Reports on Un-American 
Activities), for years Professor of Church History in the Rochester 
Theological Seminary, worked incessantly to bring socialism to the 
Church. His name has been found on the letterheads of many 
organizations cited by official legislative committees as communist- 
fronts. He is the author of Christianity and the Social Crisis, 
Christianizing the Social Order, and others. He has declared that 
"the Father of Jesus Christ does not stand for the permanence of 
the capitalistic system . . ." 

Professor Harry F. Ward (see Committee Reports on Un-Ameri- 
can Activities), Bishop Spaulding, Bishop Paul Jones, and many 
others, have worked with untiring zeal to harmonize Christianity 
with socialism. Some, like Bishop Oxnam, have out-"Rauschen- 
busched" Rauschenbusch. 


As has heretofore been indicated, the basic idea behind Christian 
Socialism was the application of Christian principles to the social 
order for the purpose of eradicating economic ills. The early 
Christian socialists had little or no conception of the rabbinical 
doctrines of Marx — so-called "scientific socialism" — and took their 
philosophies from the Utopians and the doctrines of Robert Owens, 
Fourier, Saint-Simon and others. These early Christian socialists 
urged modification and reform under the existing capitalist system, 


and, for the greater part, would have been horrified at the thought 
of overthrowing it. On the practical side of their movements they 
turned to the producers' cooperatives — to self governing and self- 
financed workshops. In every instance these cooperative move- 
ments failed, because cooperatives are governed by the same in- 
exorable laws of economics that govern private industry. To be 
successful, cooperatives must be financed and managed in the same 
manner as successful private industries, and when this happens 
they cease to be cooperative. Only under state ownership, slave 
labor, and fixed prices could the idea be made to work — certain 
missing ingredients that would remain unknown until Marx's dic- 
tatorship became a reality in Soviet Russia. Our early Christian 
socialists were on a merry-go-round, had they but known it; they 
pursued a vicious circle that always ended in oppression and 

Although it is quite true that the early Christian socialists drew 
more heavily on the Utopians than on Karl Marx, it would be a 
serious mistake to associate them with each other. The Utopians 
conceived a commonwealth that they believed should be imposed 
on all of society. They had no confidence or trust in the masses — 
the proletariat. The "people" — from the Utopian viewpoint — would 
be incapable of remedying injustices; because of their ignorance 
they were instinctively cruel and brutal. An Utopian would never 
permit the so-called "lower-classes" to take over and direct gov- 
ernments. In their systems it was the well-born, natural leaders 
of society who alone were capable of establishing and maintaining 
the reforms their commonwealths contemplated. The failures, the 
vulgar and the ignorant had no place in their schemes of govern- 
ment. Kings and Queens, industrialists and financiers, the educated 
and the nobles — the successes in life — once they understood, were 
the men and women who would employ their talents for the 
building of Utopia. The early Christian Socialists probably shared 
these Utopian views. Modern Christian socialists, however, follow 
the view of the Marxian socialist and, although they would deny 
it, their hopes of the future are necessarily based on the greed, 

hate and violence of the masses. 

a a a a a a 

Throughout the ebb and flow of the various types of socialism, 
Marxism appears to have remained constant. Although it cannot 
be said that Marx influenced the Utopians or the early Christian 
socialists who came before him, the ideas Marx took from them 
and fused into his Talmudic doctrine of "scientific socialism" in- 
fluenced all who came after him whether they called themselves 
"Christians" or not. After 1848, although modified, revised, re- 
named, and reinterpreted, Marxism formed the great sinister river 
into which all socialistic streams, whatever their origin or their 
names, ultimately found they way. 


Karl Marx was the son of a Jewish lawyer. He was born at 
Treves in 1818, and died in England in 1883. He came of a long 
line of Jewish rabbis and his writings are strongly influenced by 
the dialectics and subtlety of rabbinical hair-splitting. "The chap- 
ters on the theory of value in his principal work Das Kapital,' " 
ventures the Jewish Encyclopedia, "suggests by their subtle analy- 
sis an inherited Talmudical bent . . ." 


It was the controversies of the socialists with the old school of 
democrats, and the dissensions among the divergent socialistic 
schools themselves, that directed Marx's attention to the study 
of political economy. Although he would never be capable of 
earning enough money to support either himself or his family, 
he was to become a world expert on telling the world how it was 
done. It is not surprising that his economic theory should be 
based on his own life experiences. As he had lived off the bounty 
of his friend Friedrich Engels, his economical theories advocated 
a similar plan for the world proletariat. The immediate outcome 
of his studies was the "Manifest der Kommunist-ischen Partei" 
("Manifesto of the Communist Party") written on the eve of the 
Paris revolution of 1848 in collaboration with Engels. This work 
laid the foundation for his theories. In 1867 the first volume of 
his life work "Das Kapital" appeared. It became the "Bible" of 

Marxism is both evolutionary and revolutionary. The evolu- 
tionary aspect is the basis for its claim to the "scientific." The 
Utopians and the Christian Socialists hoped for a better world be- 
cause men of good will would desire it for its beauty, its peace, 
and its happiness. Marx contends that men will get a socialist 
world whether they want it or not. To him the industrial revolu- 
tion was actually an evolutionary process of capitalistic society 
which leads unerringly to socialism. Ethics and religion have 
nothing to do with it. Moreover, he contends, the industrial pro- 
cess molds ethical standards in conformity with the industrial 
tendencies of the times. Marx's socialism, therefore, becomes a 
sort of predestined eventuality. The opinions of men and the 
armies of the world are incapable of halting this evolutionary 
process. While there is no way of avoiding the ultimate victory 
of a world socialist society, its coming may be accelerated by 
wars and revolutions. It is therefore the duty of every socialist 
to advance the great day by a resolution of differences and inter- 
ests through conflict and violence. The old bears the new within 
itself, and capitalism is it's own grave-digger. Wars hasten the 
death of the old economy and gives strength and birth to the new. 
Every contention creates its counter-contention; every interest its 
opposite interest. Religion must be set against religion so that 
no-religion may be born. Race must be pitted against race in 


order that no-race may emerge. Government must destroy gov- 
ernment so that only socialism shall remain. And so throughout 

the entire scale of human relations, thought and culture. 

Marx was nicknamed "the Moor" by his father, and the name 
stuck throughout his life. The name is rather symbolical. Marx 
was to become the infiltrating and invading "Moor" for the recon- 
quest of an expanded "Spain" — all of Christendom. He attended 
the universities of Bonn and Berlin. In 1842 he married Jennie 
von Westphalen, and that same year joined the staff of the 
Rheinische Zeitung at Cologne. His journalistic efforts resulted in 
his exile from Germany. From Paris he was deported to Brussels. 
He participated in revolutionary activities in Germany in 1848 and 
was again expelled in 1849. He found refuge in London, where he 
worked for world revolution until he died in 1883. Engels vir- 
tually supported him and his family throughout most of Marx's 
adult life. Two of his daughters committed suicide. 

A table in a coffee house in Berlin became known as the "Pro- 
fessors' Club." In addition to Karl Marx, the members included 
Bruno Bauer, Dr. Karl Friedrich Koepper, Dr. Rutenberg, and Dr. 
Arnold Ruge. 'Young Hegelians" all, the members met to drink 
coffee and discuss the political, religious and philosophical ques- 
tions of the day. The revolution of 1830 in France and Germany 
had created a back-drop for intense intellectual re-evaluation of 
heretofore accepted traditional doctrines — and the members of the 
Professor's Club were convinced that they were "intellectuals". 

David Friedrich Strauss published his "Life of Jesus" in 1835 in 
which it was said "he unsparingly stripped the gospels of their 
haloes" and deprived them of the right to claim historical value. 
He attempted to prove "by strictly scientific methods of investiga- 
tion" that the Christian tradition was but "myth or saga." The 
result of Strauss' work was declared to be "stupendous". What- 
ever its effect was elsewhere, it was eagerly discussed by the 
members of the Professors' Club. It was hailed by Marx and his 
colleagues as a formidable attack against the "hypocrisy and 
romanticism" of Christianity. They were only disappointed that 
the "shot" was not quite properly "aimed," and that the wound 
inflicted was not mortal. 

Bruno Bauer (1809-1882) was undoubtedly impressed with Marx 
during the early days of the Professors' Club. He, like the others, 
was carried along on the anti-theological wave, and gave profound 
attention to the young Jew's views on Christianity. Marx finally 
argued that Hegel himself was an atheist, but it is doubtful that 
Bauer was able to go along with this absurdity. Ultimately the 
"professors," including Bauer, broke with Marx and later became 
his eternal enemies. Bauer wrote articles published in the "Deut- 


sche Jahrbucher" on the Jewish question, which were republished 
with additions in 1843 under the title "Die Judenfrage." Bauer 
contended, among other things, that the Jews never contributed 
anything to civilization. Spinoza, he declared, ceased to be a 
Jew when he wrote his "Ethics." He did not consider Maimonides 
and Mendelssohn thinkers at all. 

Marx later referred to Bauer as "that feather-pate". His first 
book, "The Holy Family, Bruno Bauer and His Accomplices," was 
an attack on Bauer. 

Ludwig Feuerbach went beyond Strauss in his "Wesen des Chris- 
tentums" (Essence of Christianity, 1843), thereby supplying the 
"Young Hegelians" with a new intellectual weapon — "materialism." 
He had published (in 1839) his "Kritik der Hegelschen Philosophic," 
in which, it was averred, he stripped Hegel's "absolute spirit" 
bare of its mysteries, and revealed it to be the "departed spirit of 
theology", "a metaphysical spook", a "theology made over into 
logic," a "rational mysticism," and several other things. The God 
of the Utopians was destroyed. Materialism had been placed on the 
vacant throne! Things had not been created by God in harmony 
and beauty and then disordered and spoiled by man! Things are as 
they are! Everything that exists is the result of evolution — of 
growth; nothing was created as it is. "Religion," declared Feuer- 
bach, "is the dream of the human mind." 

Even Hegel was violently hurled from his marble pedestal. 

"Who has annihilated the dialectic of concepts, the war of the 
gods which the philosophers alone knew?" demanded Marx in 
unfeigned enthusiasm. "Who has put man in place of the old 
lumber, and in place of the infinite consciousness as well? Feuer- 
bach, and no one else! Feuerbach, who completed and criticized 
Hegel from a Hegelian standpoint, resolving the metaphysical ab- 
solute spirit into the real man standing on the foundation of 
nature, was the first to complete the criticism of religion — inas- 
much as, at the same time, he undertook a critique of Hegelian 
speculation, and thereby sketched the great and masterly outlines 
of all metaphysics." 


Karl Ludwig Borne (1786-1837), Born Lob Baruch, lashed out 
at authority from France, publishing a series of criticisms, polem- 
ics, and pamphlets. This Jew, although living in Paris, became a 
leader of the new literary party, "Young Germany." Like his 
fellow Jew, Heinrich Heine, he lampooned the police, and poked 
fun at constituted authority. 

The Professors' Club eventually became the Society of the Free, 
attracting a wide assortment of radicals. Friedrich Engels, serving 
his military service as an artilleryman in the guards, became a 


member. Marx, meanwhile, was engaged in his first journalistic 
efforts on the "Rheinische Zeitung". 

Engels (1820-1895) was the son of a wealthy textile manufacturer 
in Germany, with interests in a factory near Manchester, England. 

As the radical and subversive character of the "Rheinische 
Zeitung" became more and more obvious as its circulation in- 
creased, the authorities were compelled to take action. An order 
for its suppression was issued January 21, 1843. Marx retired from 
the staff on March 17, 1843. He declared that the government had 
"set him free" so that he might devote himself exclusively to the 
study of economics. 


Moses Hess, "the communist rabbi" accompanied Arnold Ruge to 
Paris. Marx and his wife followed. Hess, already a revolutionary 
of some reputation — he had helped establish the "Rheinische Zeit- 
ung" and thus had met Marx — introduced Ruge and Marx into the 
revolutionary socialist circles of Paris. Here Marx also met Hein- 
rich Heine and George Sands (Armandine Aurore Lucie). 

Hess (1812-1875) was born at Bonn, Germany. He was the son 
of a prosperous Jewish manufacturer. He collaborated with Fried- 
rich Engels in editing Gesellschaftsspiegel (1845-1846). He was a 
strong supporter of Proudhon's anarchistic theories. 
In 1840, speaking of the Jews, he wrote: 

"We shall always remain strangers among the nations; 
these, it is true, will grant us rights from feelings of humanity 
and justice; but they will never respect us so long as we place 
our great memories in the second rank, but in the first prin- 
ciple, 'ubi bene, ibi patria'." 

He occupies a unique place in history. He is, at one and the 
same time, the visible initiator of two sinister movements which 
at first glance appear diametrically opposed to each other — poli- 
tical Zionism and world communism. When organized Jewry finds 
it expedient it declares that "Jews have been prominently iden- 
tified with the modern Socialist movement from its very incep- 
tion" (Jewish Encyclopedia), and when it serves its purpose to 
be dissassociated with it, declares that communism is incompatible 
with Judaism and Zionism. Hess, however, found nothing incon- 
sistent in his Jewishness and his urge for the destruction of 
Christian nations. It is interesting to see the strength of this 
Communist's Jewish consciousness. Advocating the overthrow of 
all Christian governments by force and violence, this socialist 
writer and leader advised his Jewish brethren to sacrifice eman- 
cipation, if emancipation should be found to be irreconcilable with 
Jewish nationality! He held that it was impossible to eradicate 
the Jewish national consciosuness, and the Jewish type was bound 
to persist. Heinrich Graetz, the Jewish historian caught the spirit 
of Hess when he wrote (1864): "The Jewish race is approaching, 


and under our very eye, a rejuvenescence which would formerly 
not have been thought possible. The enemies of the Jews look 
upon it with implacable rage, the Jews of cosmopolitan tendency 
secretly shake their head, the followers of the letter of the law 
associate deceptive hopes with it — all are dumbfounded at its 

Hess was about thirty years old when Marx met him in Cologne. 
He already had won fame among the radicals by the publication 
of his book "Socialism" (or "Communism"). "Dr. Marx," wrote 
Hess, "my idol, is still quite a young man, twenty-four at the most. 
He combines the deepest philosophical earnestness with biting wit. 
Imagine Rousseau, Voltaire, Holbach, Lessing, Heine and Hegel 
all fused in one person — and I mean fused, not lumped together — 
and you have Dr. Marx." 

Through Hess, Marx and Ruge became acquainted with a number 
of French socialists — Louis Blanc, Dezamy, Considerant, Leroux, 
Proudhon, and others. Marx, desirous of making a "Gallo-German" 
alliance and establishing the "Deutsche-Franzosische Jahrbucher" 
failed to make much headway with the French radicals. All of them 
suffered from the occupational disease of the so-called "liberal"; 
they had no use for anyone else's theories. They were not only 
intolerant of "new" and rival ideas, they were virtually unaware 
of their existence. The intense preoccupation of the intellectual 
revolutionary in his own world-shaking theories makes him obliv- 
ious to the theories of others. Marx, the German Jew, already 
exhibiting the dominating spirit that was to alienate him from 
everyone with whom he came in contact, probably did not impress 
the French radicals. Nevertheless the new "Deutsche-Franzosische 
Jahrbucher" made its first and last appearance in February of 
1844. Under the title "Introduction to a Critique of the Hegelian 
Philosophy of Right", Marx pointed to the first target of revolu- 
tionary attack — religion. "The fight against religion is, therefore, 
a direct campaign against the world whose spiritual aroma is 
religion," he wrote. "Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, 
the feelings of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of un- 
spiritual conditions. It is the opium of the people." He goes on 
to say that people will never be happy until they have been 
deprived of "illusory" happiness by the abolition of religion. 'The 
weapon of criticism," he thunders, "cannot replace the criticism 
of weapons. Physical force must be overthrown by physical force; 
but theory, too, beomes a physical force as soon as it takes pos- 
session of the masses." 

Friedrich Engels, on his way from Manchester to Barmen, spent 
ten days in Paris. Here he met Bakunin for the first time. He 
had first met Marx in Cologne for a brief interview. Since their 


first meeting they had carried on some correspondence, and they 
renewed their acquaintance during Engels' stay in Paris. 

Strauss's Life of Jesus apparently was the turning point in 
Engels' career. "These colossal ideas," he wrote, "exercised a 
formidable influence upon me." As a matter of fact the book 
turned him completely from Christianity and he henceforth was 
an atheist. He gained his first reputation as a radical with a 
polemic (published anonymously) entitled Schelling and the Rev- 
elation, a Criticism of the Reaction's Latest Onslaught upon the 
Freedom of Philosophy. Thereafter he was numbered with Bruno 
and Edgar Bauer, Koppen and Buhl, Stirner and Meyen, Ruten- 
burg and Jung, and the others. 

When his military year had been completed Engels returned to 
Barmen by way of Cologne, stopping in the latter place on his 
way. Here he met Moses Hess who converted him to communism. 
Hess, writing in 1843, said: "Last year, when I was about to start 
for Paris, Engels came to see me on his way from Berlin. We 
discussed the questions of the day, and he, a revolutionist of the 
Year One, parted from me a convinced communist. Thus did I 
spread devastation." Engels admitted that Hess had been "the 
first to make communism plausible to me and my circle." 

Hess spent considerable time with Marx in Cologne. He had 
developed the theory that money, profit and property are the 
source of all evil. Marx contributed the theory of "eternal dia- 
lectic," i.e., "a system disappears only when the seeds of destruc- 
tion which it carries within itself have already destroyed it like 
a devouring cancer." Thus, and only thus, declared Marx, does 
an existing condition give birth to its own negation — a thesis to 
its own anti-thesis. Hess agreed, but Marx was unwilling to accept 
Hess' definitive version of socialsim. 

In 1840 four books appeared that had a profound effect on the 
Professors' Club in Berlin. What is Property ("property is theft") 
by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon; Etienne Cabet's Journey to Icaria; 
The Organization of Labor, by Louis Blanc, and European Tri- 
archy, by Moses Hess. After reading and discussing these books, 
the Professors decided that, having abolished God, they would 
now abolish poverty! 

Marx also contributed an article on the Jewish question to the 
ill-fated "Deutsche-Franzosische Jahrbucher." The fierce attack of 
the Young Hegelians on Christianity had, of course, brought joy 
to the hearts of the Jews, and they, in turn, had been enthusiastic 
in making common cause with the "liberals" and the revolution- 
ists. The theories of Mendelssohn were in the air and there was 
much discussion of Jewish "emancipation." If the German Jews, 
said Marx, desire political and social emancipation, they must learn 


that the State cannot emancipate itself as long as it is Christian. 
Bruno Bauer had contended that if the Jew wished to be free he 
must first become a Christian, and must then transcend Chris- 
tianity. Marx insisted that it was the other way about. The 
individual, he states, leads a double life: one life politically and 
another life as a private individual. Man is for man the highest 
and he must mount the throne of history. The gods have been 
abolished. Only the objectively socialized and subjectively com- 
munalized human being will be able to effect the emancipation of 
mankind, thus becoming master of his own fate. 

He was saying bluntly that the first Jewish aim is, not equality 
with Christians, but the total destruction of Christianity! "Do 
Jews demand to be put on equal footing with the Christian sub- 
jects?" he inquires with tongue in cheek. "If they recognize the 
Christian State as based on law (right)," he speculates, "they 
recognize the rule of general bondage. Why (then) does their 
(own) special yoke irritate them when the general yokes please 
them? The Jew has within himself the privilege of being a Jew. 
He has, as a Jew, rights that the Christian does not have." 

Marx, after reminding his brethren of their duty for racial 
warfare, points out the means by which the Christian state is to 
be destroyed: 

"The most rigid form of opposition between the Jew and 

the Christian is the religious opposition. How does one get 

rid of an opposition? By making it impossible. And how make 

impossible a religious opposition? By suppressing the religion." 


"If they want to be free, Jews must not become converted 
to Christianity overnight, but to a dissolved Christianity; that 
is, to philosophy, to logic (criticism) and to its result: to a free 

"The Jew is already emancipated, but in a Jewish manner. 
The Jew, for example, who is merely tolerated in Vienna, 
determines by his sole financial power the future of all Europe. 
The Jew who, in the smallest of the German States, may be 
without rights, decides the future of Europe. 

"The Jew has been emancipated, not only by making himself 
master of the financial market, and because, thanks to him and 
by him, gold has become a world power, and the practical 
Jewish spirit has become the spirit in practice of the Christian 
people. The Jews have been emancipated in precise measure 
as the Christians have become Jews." 

The acquaintanceship between Marx and Proudhon ended in 
the inevitable breach. On the other hand, Marx and Hemrich 
Heine established strong sentiments of esteem for each other. 
Both were Jews, and shared similar political views. Heine, writing 
on June 15, 1843, avowed his support of communism. "The com- 
munists are the only party in France that is worthy of respect," 
he wrote. "I might, indeed, claim respect for the vestiges of 


Saint-Simonism, whose champions still linger under strange de- 
vices, and also for the Fourierists, who are alive and kicking; 
but these worthy persons are moved only by words, by the social 
problem as a problem, by traditional ideas; they are not urged 
onward by elemental necessity, they are the predestined servants 
through whose instrumentality the supreme world-will carries 
its titanic resolves into effect. Sooner or later, the scattered family 
of Saint-Simon and the whole general staff of the Fourierists will 
go over to the growing army of communism, and, equipping crude 
necessity with the formative word, will, as it were, play the part 
of the Fathers of the Church." 

Marx's subversive activities in Paris did not go unnoticed. Heine 
and the others were also under surveillance. The Prussian am- 
bassador in Paris reported the activities of the German-Jewish 
revolutionaries to his government in Berlin. While Heine confined 
himself to lampooning German officials ("Ode to King Louis of 
Bavaria") Marx had boldly called for revolution in Germany. As 
a result of these reports, orders were issued to immediately arrest 
the traitors on the charge of lese-majesty in the event of their 
return to Germany. 

There is little question concerning the nature and purpose of 
the Verein fur Cultur und Wissenschaft der Juden, which had been 
established in 1819 by Edward Gans and Moses Moser, and of 
which Heine was a member. The "culture and education" sought 
by this Jewish secret society was the destruction of Christianity. 
Although the organization announced its dissolution in time to 
avoid its forcible suppression by the police, it is believed that 
it continued in its operation secretly thereafter. Marx, through 
Heine, undoubtedly became a member during the former's stay in 
Paris. Edward Gans (1798-1839), who was one of the organizers 
of the Verein, was also a professor of criminal law at Berlin 
University, and Marx attended his classes. The German police 
were well aware of these activities and probably had obtained 
a list of the names of the most prominent and active members. 

Marx and Heine contributed several articles to Vorwarts, a 
German language newspaper published in Paris by a Jew named 
Bornstein. As a result of these inflammable diatribes the Prussian 
government protested to the French authorities, complaining that 
journalistic attacks on Prussia coming out of Paris were "in- 
creasing in impudence and coarseness." Alexander von Humboldt 
finally persuaded Francis Guizot, Premier of France, to take action 
against the revolutionaries. Bernays, the editor of Vorwarts, was 
sentenced to two months in jail and had to pay a fine of three 
hundred francs. On January 11, 1845, it was decreed that Marx, 
Ruge, Bakunin, Bornstein and Bernays were to be deported from 


France. Heine, through his close contact with the House of 

Rothschild, had too much influence for the authorities and was 

not included in the order. Bornstein and Ruge knew how to pull 

the right strings, and were thus able to have the order cancelled 

as to them. Marx, however, had to leave. He moved to Brussels. 

Marx, the Jew, never ceased in his attack on Christianity. 
Cleverly amalgamating the greed, envy and distress of the so- 
called proletariat, he attempted to indict the gentle principles 
of Christ as the cause of the world's woe. Writing from Brussels, 
he said: 

"The social principles of Christianity have now had eighteen 
hundred years for their development, and do not need any 
further development at the hands of Prussian consistorial 
councillors. The social principles of Christianity find justifica- 
tions for the slavery of classical days, extol mediaeval serf- 
dom, and are ready in case of need to defend the oppression 
of the proletariat — somewhat shamefacedly perhaps. The 
social principles of Christianity preach the need for a dom- 
inant and an oppressed class, expressing the pious hope that 
the former will deal kindly with the latter. The social prin- 
ciples of Christianity declare that all infamies will be spir- 
itually compensated in heaven, the assertion being made a 
justification for the continuance of these infamies on earth. 
According to the social principles of Christianity, all the mis- 
deeds wrought by the oppressors on the oppressed, are either 
a just punishment for original sin and others sins, or else are 
trials which the Lord in his wisdom sends to affect the re- 
deemed. The social principles of Christianity preach coward- 
ice, self-contempt, abasement, subjection, humility, in a word, 
all the qualities of the mob; whereas for the proletariat, which 
does not wish to allow itself to be treated as a mob, courage, 
self-esteem, pride, and independence, are far more necessary 
than bread. The social principles of Christianity are obse- 
quious, but the proletariat is revolutionary." 

The hypocrisy of this venomous and untrue attack on Christian 
principles is best understood by a study of the conditions of the 
workers under Marx's "dictatorship of the proletariat" in the 
Soviet Union. Here, without God and Christian principles, the 
proletariat has been reduced to a new kind of slavery that, by 
comparison, makes the "slavery of classical days" and "medieval 
serfdom" preferable in many respects. Here, in Marx's "Workers' 
Paradise", without God or Christian principles, rules the dominant 
class exercising its unrestrained force and power over the op- 
pressed class. Here, without excuse or apology, except by decree 
of Marx and his prophet Lenin, all infamies are justified in the 
name and sign of the hammer and sickle. Here, without God 
or Christian principles, death, slavecamps, starvation and misery, 
and all of the multiplied misdeeds wrought by the communist 
oppressors on the oppressed proletariat are necessary revolutionary 


punishments on behalf of the proletariat, or else the trials and 
tribulations attendant on the birth of the brave new socialist 
world as it wrenches itself free from dying capitalism. Here, 
without benefit of God or Christian principles, man is bereft of 
soul and dignity; reduced to an infinitesimal and not too con- 
sequential cog in a gigantic wheel, without courage, self-esteem, 
pride or independence. Here, without God or Christian principles, 
the revolutionary proletariat is finally the victim, the slave and 
the hopelessly unredeemed faceless man. Whereas there was 
hope so long as God was in His Heavens and Christian principles 
in the earth, the proletariat of Soviet Russia is now deprived of 
that last solace. 


Moses Hess took up a collection for Marx in Westphalia when 
Marx was compelled to leave France. Later Hess joined him in 

The first Communist Party came into being gradually and 
informally. Without being quite fully aware of its significance 
Marx and Engels began referring to themselves as the Communist 
Party. True, Moses Hess had used the term in writing of his 
conversion of Engels to communism. At this time there was 
no socialist party of any kind in the German speaking world. 
Marx and Engels asked others to join with them in the move- 
ment. Thus it was that the "party" came into existence in Brus- 
sels. The membership was ultimately increased to seventeen. 
Among those who became members were Ferdinand Freiligrath, 
Moses Hess, Edgar von Westphalen, Joseph Weydemeyer, Herman 
Kriege, Weerth, Dronke, Seiler, Heilberg, Ernst Wolff, Ferdinand 
Wolff, Gigot, and Wilhelm Weitling. The first two genuine work- 
ing men (proletariats) to join were two typesetters from the 
German newspaper in Brussels. Fifteen of the seventeen were 
writers and fourteen of the lot were bourgeoisie. The first act 
of the "party" was the establishment of a Communist Corres- 
pondence Committee. 

Marx's domineering disposition soon won him the title of "pro- 
letarian dictator." Because Weitling leaned a little toward the 
compassion of the Utopians Marx decided to expel him from the 
"party." Hess attempted to intercede on Weitling's behalf and 
ultimately resigned himself. Marx's rage knew no limits. Engels 
immediately spread the rumor that Hess had gonorrhea and that 
his wife was nothing but "a common slut." The "party" was in 
a turmoil. Marx, suddenly conceiving himself as the all-knowing, 
infallible prophet of the new order in the world, fought viciously 
with everyone who dared express an opinion. 

The "party" was officially known as the Workers' Educational 
Society, and probably included the more radical elements of the 


Democratic League. Brussels rapidly became the revolutionary 
headquarters of the world. Wrote Marx: "... there is more 
to be done in little Belgium than in big France." 

One of Bakunin's followers described Marx as he dominated the 
revolutionary scene in Brussels: 

"Marx is of a type composed of energy, a strong will, and 
inviolable convictions; of a very remarkable type, too, in 
externals. He has a thick crop of black hair, hairy hands, an 
overcoat buttoned awry; but he looks like one endowed with 
the right and the power of demanding respect, however he 
may look and whatever he may do. His movements are awk- 
ward, yet bold and self-confident. His manner conflicts sharply 
with the ordinary conventions of social life. He is proud, 
somewhat contemptuous, and his harsh voice, with a metallic 
ring, is admirably suited to his revolutionary opinions about 
persons and things." 
"He called me a sentimental idealist," Bakunin said, "and he 

was right. I called him gloomy, unreliable, and vain, and I was 

right, too." 


As a result of the French Revolution of 1830 a subversive secret 
revolutionary underground movement developed in Paris and 
spread an invisible network of conspiracy over the country. The 
greatest activity, of course, was in Paris. Bernard, Barbes and 
Blanqui were among its more prominent leaders. The Champions 
of the Rights of Man, Society of Families, Friends of the People, 
and the Society of the Seasons, were names of some of these 
secret and illegal organizations. All of these groups called for 
the "dictatorship of the proletariat," and feverishly prepared for 
a new revolution. Jewish elements from Germany were actively 
at work in the underworld of revolt. Most of them were members 
of the Exiles' League, founded in 1834. In 1836 the Exiles' League 
became the Federation of the Just. Schuster, Venedey, Schapper, 
Bauer, and Wilhelm Weitling were some of the leaders of the 
Federation. The central committee of this revolutionary move- 
ment was transferred to London after May of 1839. 

In January of 1847 Marx and Engels were invited to join the 
Federation of the Just in view of the determination of the mem- 
bers of the organization to adopt the theoretical doctrines of the 
two Communists. The Federation held a congress in London in 
1847, but Marx was unable to attend. A second congress was 
called for December and Marx and Engels were present. They 
had gone to London primarily as delegates from the Democratic 
League of Brussels to participate in the meeting of the Fraternal 
Democrats who were celebrating the Polish revolution. 

The second congress of the Federation of the Just was held in 
the headquarters of the Communist Workers' Educational Society 
in Great Windmill Street. It lasted ten days. It adopted Marx's 


revolutionary views in their entirety. At the close of the congress, 
Marx and Engels were requested to draft a manifesto embodying 
the communist principles of the newly constructed revolutionary 
platform. The result was the Communist Manifesto. This call 
to sanguinary class-warfare closed with these words: 

"Communists scorn to hide their views and aims. They 
openly declare that their purposes can only be achieved by 
the forcible overthrow of the whole extant social order. Let 
the ruling classes tremble at the prospect of a communist 
revolution. Proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. 
They have a world to win. Proletarians of all lands, unite!" 

The careful student of Marxism soon discovers that the terms 
"socialism" and "communism" are interchangeable, and, for all 
practical purposes, mean the same thing. Lenin, in interpreting 
Marx, explains that "socialism" is merely an aspect or degree 
of "communism", and vice versa. All communist ideological writers 
use the terms synonymously. Marx and Engels actually never 
attempted to define either word, and there is nothing definite in 
their writings that distinguishes one term from the other. Theor- 
etic speculation attempts to make "socialism" respectable by 
separating the "evolutionary" from the "revolutionary" aspects 
of Marx's dialectics, meaning that socialism, as the highest order 
of social and economic development, emerges automatically and 
unassisted from the decayed and dying body of capitalism. The 
communist, on the other side of the Marxist coin — argue these 
"respectable" socialists — is the revolutionary — the blood-force-and- 
violence socialists; who contend that history requires a push now 
and then, and that the emerging socialist order is in need of a 
midewife — the "vanguard of the proletariat" — to kill off the old 
and succor the new. The "respectable" socialist also wants to 
believe in freedom for the individual and in "democracy" — and 
hence is caught on the horns of a dilemma, because freedom and 
"democracy" are incompatible with socialism. Compulsion is the 
vital ingredient in the socialist scheme of things so long as a 
substantial number of the people retain their individualities. The 
"planner" is always faced with the choice of inevitable failure, 
or the application of force. Unless the overwhelming majority 
of human beings are reduced to the intellectual level of the 
zombie in advance of the socialist state, force is required for his 
obedience. Hence socialism and communism, in spite of the 
Marxian apologist, is ultimately one and the same thing. 

It will have been noted that the development of Marxism fol- 
lowed a similar evolutionary process. First the humanitarians, 
the Utopians, the republicans, the democrats, the Saint-Simonians, 
the Christian Socialists, and, finally, the communists. Each group 
of advocates abandoned certain fundamentals as they trod the 


pages of history, until Marx, in his frustration and hate, stood 
free of God and compassion. The modern socialist merely retraces 
the paths of history — but at an accelerated pace. 

The phenomenon of communism is explained by social unrest 
and economic fermentation. No sane and honest person would 
endeavor to prove that we live in a perfect world populated by 
just and fair people. On the other hand no sane and honest 
person will contend that all men and women are evil, unjust and 
cruel. The development of economics, like the development of 
industry itself, has been uneven and erratic. The transition from 
the feudal system to the assembly-line did not take place over 
night, although it came suddenly in certain industries and later 
in others. The "horseless carriage" did not immediately replace 
the horse-drawn vehicle, and whip manufacturing, carriage fac- 
tories, and blacksmith establishments did a sharp business for 
several decades after the first wheezing automobile chugged down 
a dusty road. The industrial revolution, however, eventually 
crept into the consciousness of men, and the inequality of the dis- 
tribution of wealth resulting therefrom ultimately captured their 
conscious. Moreover the inexorable law of economic supply and 
demand never ceased operating. When the skilled laborer sud- 
denly realized that his box of hand-tools had been replaced by 
the machine-tools of industry, the world seemed to come to an 
end for him. As a "hand" on the assemblyline his labor, at first, 
counted for little. There were a thousand untrained applicants 
for a single job that did not require training. In these pains and 
tribulations of the birth of mass production it was the laborer 
and his family who suffered. The future was inscrutable and cer- 
tainly bleak. A thousand necessary adjustments were ahead that 
would bring undreamed benefits to the workers, but, although 
they might be anticipated, they were little consolation for an empty 
stomach and a starving family. Nevertheless, these labor pains 
were transitory. With the full growth of mechanized industry 
the workman must necessarily achieve his greatest economic status. 
It is an inescapable fact that labor is the greatest consumer of 
the goods of industry. Labor must be economically able to pur- 
chase the products of manufacture, or industry goes out of 

There were many men of the type of Robert Owen at the birth 
of the industrial revolution; men who were conscious of the hard- 
ship and distress of the displaced workers. These men were 
moved by the same compassion that moved Saint-Simon and they 
did what they could, within their means, for the alleviation of 
the deplorable conditions. There were others, of course, who saw 
not and cared not. But who, in his right mind, is willing to accept 
the sweeping indictment by Marx and his Jewish revolutionaries 


that all Christendom was willing to crush the worker beneath 
the wheels of the new machines in order to squeeze out the last 
possible penny of profit? 

It was the driving power of industrial revolution that Marx 
and his disciples sought to harness for their mental engine of 
destruction. If an Owen and a Saint-Simon sought to better the 
lot of workers, Marx sought to use them for his own purpose. 
Owen and Saint-Simon searched for practical means to solve a 
sordid problem; Marx sought sordid means to aggravate a prac- 
tical problem. 

The directional conduit, supplied by Marx and his followers, 
is the channel of "class consciousness." This term includes a 
number of connotations, chief among which is active, viciour 
naked hatred for bosses, landlords, capitalists, bourgeois govern- 
ments and Christianity. Unless the proletarian is fully conscious 
of his "class" he is incapable of communistic activity. Through 
this "class-consciousness" he strikes at the extant social order 
and helps usher in the "brave new world of socialism". The 
emphasis on class-consciousness creates the "vanguard of the pro- 
letariat" — the conscious will of the workers to free themselves 
from "wage-slavery". It is this "class consciousness" that gives 
evolutionary movement to the uninitiated masses, ultimately 
creating the revolutionary aspect of socialism. Conflict is the 
indispensable element of Marx's dialectic system. Against the 
thesis capitalism, is arrayed its anti-thesis — the class-consciousness 
of the proletariat. The resultant conflict produces the synthesis, 
socialism. This result is not immediate and the process must be 
repeated at every opportunity. Only a little socialism may be 
produced by a single conflict, but capitalism is weakened by every 
encounter, so that the inevitable result is assured. The same 
formula is applied by the Marxist theoretician to every social, poli- 
tical and economic relationship. The doctrine gives the movement 
a sort of inevitableness; a kind of predestination beyond the con- 
trol of man or God. With the communist it becomes a "fixed" 
principle, or law of history that harnesses all mankind to the 
socialist chariot. The "conscious" socialist may become a casualty 
in the process, but he is convinced that the cause cannot be lost. 
Hence the emergence of the zealot — the fanatic. 

The fallaciousness of this reasoning appears too obvious to 
deserve detailed analysis in a work of this kind. It should be 
noted in passing, however, that the assumed elements are present, 
though undefined. It is assumed that the conflict between capital 
and labor utlimately produces socialism. It is further assumed 
that socialism is better than capitalism. It is assumed that social- 
ism abolishes "wage-slavery". It is assumed that collective owner- 
ship of the means of production abolishes "profit" and thus en- 


riches the worker. It assumes many other un-named and undefined 
elements. In the first place the worker must necessarily work, 
whether he works for private industry, the state, or in a co-opera- 
tive collectivity. It does not follow by any law yet conceived that 
the conflict between capital and labor must produce socialism. 
It may conceivably produce some economic system not yet known. 
The development of communism in Russia has not produced a 
single result "scientifically" deduced by Marx or his followers. 
Collective ownership actually means no ownership at all. What 
theoretically belongs to everybody cannot be any one's property. 
Ownership contemplates the choice of use, consumption and dis- 
position of property. No one person may determine the use, con- 
sumption or disposition of property that belongs to everybody. 
Hence collective ownership is a fiction. 

Carrying Marx's dialectic system a step beyond the Soviet result, 
we find that the machines of industry are owned by the state, and 
that the workers are still chained to them in "wage-slavery." As 
a result of achieved socialism the worker has lost his former right 
to bargain for his wages and to strike for better conditions. 
Because of the myth of "collective ownership of the means of 
production" the worker has no right to bargain with himself, and 
if he goes on strike, it is a strike against himself. So that he may 
be protected against such "unsocial acts" his socialist government 
has made these bourgeois activities "crimes against the people." 
Hence if the worker protests, endeavors to get more money for 
his services, or goes on strike, he is arrested, sent to a slave-labor 
camp, or shot. As these socialist conditions progressively get 
worse the Marxian dialectic process may conceivably be reversed. 
To the thesis, socialism, may be opposed the anti-thesis, the pro- 
letariat; and from the resultant conflict may come the synthesis 
capitalism. The assumptions in this analysis are no more absurd 
or unreasonable than the assumptions tacitly accepted by the 

"Collectivism" may be said to be the corner-stone of Marxism. 
The theory is neither strictly political, scientific nor economic. It 
is a new concept of society and social relationships. While the 
doctrine contemplates a tacit willingness on the part of mankind 
to merge its individual units into one homogenious mass, its 
practical application means that society is to become a vast con- 
scription where every man and woman will have a place and 
number, like a soldier, a pauper or a convict. The underlying 
element of collectivism is the necessary dialectic negation of the 
individual, because socialism is utterly impossible in a society of 
individuals. In the beginning (propaganda stage) the humani- 
tarian side is emphasized, while the atheistic aspect dominates. 
It is man standing in place of God reaching for man! In the 
clasped hands of collectivism the humanitarian and the atheistic 


become solidified; allies against the enemy — capital and religion. 
After the destruction of the enemy the atheistic element destroys 
the humanitarian, because the humanitarian element cannot 
survive so long as it remains merely humanitarian. The source 
of socialist strength lies in this natural and self-impelled con- 
fraternity of collectivism. Having abandoned God and placed 
composite Man on the divine throne, man has no where to turn 
except to man. And he is actually afraid! No longer can he 
remain alone in the dark. No longer does he have the quiet 
courage of self-confidence. He must be assured and reassured 
and only his new god Man — and he needs many of them — can 
sustain him in his eternal fright. Whatever the sect calls itself — 
"socialist", "communist", "social democrat", or what-not — confra- 
ternity becomes a matter of life and death. Whether the group 
be "Fabian", "labor", "new deal", "cooperative", the urge for 
confraternity is irresistible. These sects may criticize each other, 
but they close ranks in face of the common enemy. Even this 
confraternity is a fiction. The collectivity is the object of concern. 
Its units standing alone or in isolated groups are of no value and 
may be ignored or destroyed. Thus is created the "brotherhood 
of man", characterized by the lack of a common father and the 
absence of the sentiments of brotherhood. 

Only the overlord of the confraternity remains aloof in the 
final shown-down; remains aloof, because it alone is its own con- 

Thus, out of Jewry, the seven headed beast, whose deadly wound 
had been healed, had emerged a second beast with two horns — 
Communism and Zionism. Karl Marx and Moses Hess had not 
only created a two-pronged threat to Christianity and rfee men 
everywhere; they had jointly established Neo-Messianism — the 
conquest and domination of the world by the genius of Jewry 
itself. Where the pseudo-Messiahs had failed, Israel would suc- 
ceed! Bar Kokba's magic in blowing burning tow from his mouth 
was a simple trick compared with the flames that went forth 
from the mouth of Marx. The fires he kindled would sweep over 
Christian Europe, engulf the East and burn across the oceans until 
all Christendom was consumed. If Bar Kokba was able to hurl 
back with his knees the stones of the Roman engines, Marx's magic 
would turn the Christian engines of war against Christendom. As 
Marxism wrought its havoc against the Gentile world, Hess' 
Zionism would lead the Jews back to Palestine. Together Zionism 
and Communism would forge a world parliament from the broken 
Gentile nations and Israel would sit again in the ancient seat of 
power and rule the world! What Bar Kokba, Sabbatai, and all 


the Jewish Messiahs were incapable of doing, Israel, as the chosen 
of Jehovah, would accomplish as a nation! The Age of the 
Jewish Messiah began with Hess' Zionism and Marx's Communism. 



AS LONG as Napoleon's star of destiny burned brightly, the 
Rothschilds posed as great friends of the French and loyal 
servants of the Emperor. They lent money and delivered flour to 
friend and foe alike, while carrying on an illicit smuggling trade 
with England in violation of the French embargo. 

When the Grand Duke Dalberg, in Frankfort, desired to go to 
Paris to do obeisance to Napoleon on the birth of his son, old 
Meyer Amschel, after the merchants of Frankfort had turned the 
Duke down, loaned him eighty thousand gulden at five percent 
so that he might make the journey. By thus placing the Duke 
under obligation Rothschild made him his man. There was no 
request that the Rothschilds might make thereafter that Dalberg 
would refuse. 

Dahlberg's police commissioner, von Itzstein, in Frankfort, was 
a Jew. The commissioner, of course, was a particular patron of 
the Rothschilds, and rendered valuable services to them in their 
smuggling trade. Napoleon's agents had caught old Meyer Amschel 
red-handed with contraband, and probably would have uncovered 
the vast extent of his operations had not Itzstein tipped him off 
in time. As it was he had to pay a fine of nearly twenty thousand 
francs for the merchandise uncovered. 

Having placed Dalberg under obligation to him, Meyer Amschel 
proceeded to exploit him for the Frankfort Jews. Only five hun- 
dred Jewish families were tolerated by law in the city, and the 
Rothschilds were desirous of increasing their number. Dalberg, 
needing money, was susceptible to offers. He therefore permitted 
Meyer Amschel and his partner Gumprecht to persuade him to 
commute the annual sum of 22,000 gulden payable by the Jews 
into a lump sum, and grant them rights of citizenship in Frank- 
fort, thereby making them the political equals of the Christians. 
As always, in such cases, the Jews demanded more than mere 
equality with the Christians; they wanted their own governing 
body. Of course Dalberg gave it to them. It became known as 
the Governing Body of the Israelite Religious Community. Police 
Director von Itzstein was the body's first president. Dalberg, 
however, demanded that the commuted annual payment of 22,000 
gulden be paid by a single payment of twenty times the amount. 
Meyer Amschel contribute 100,000 gulden himself and arranged 
that the Jews of Frankfort pay 150,000 of the 440,000 gulden 
immediately, and the balance in twenty-four bearer debentures. 

"I should be most pleased," Meyer Amschel wrote Dalberg, in 

— 211 — 


his peculiar German, "if I could be the first messenger of the 
good news, as soon as it has been signed by his Royal Highness, 
our most excellent Lord and great Duke, in our favor and that 
I can inform my nation of their great joy, will you graciously 
inform me of it through the post. I confess I abuse your good- 
ness and grace, but I do not doubt that your Highness and your 
honored family have to await great heavenly rewards and will 
receive much happiness and blessing . . . because in truth our 
whole Jewry, if they have the happiness of obtain equal rights, 
will gladly pay with great pleasures all dues that the citizens 
have to pay." 

The deal ultimately went through. The senate and the Chris- 
tians of Frankfort were indignant. Rumors were soon circulated 
that the sum publicized did not take into account the money 
Dalberg received personally. It was well known that Meyer 
Amschel and his sons had been appointed official bankers to the 
grand duchy and that Meyer Amschel had been made a member 
of the Electoral College of Frankfort. A member of the Austrian 
Secret Police reported that Dalberg had personally received 33,000 
karolins for his efforts on behalf of the Jews. 

The citizens of Frankfort also greatly resented the transaction 
whereby the Jews of the city had been granted equal rights. 
Bribery for such rights was one thing; but bribery for special 
priveleges was another, and feeling against Dalberg and the Jews 
ran high. Aside from these complaints, Jewish business methods 
were proving ruinous, not only to Christian bankers, but to Chris- 
tian merchants as well. The fall of Napoleon restored Frankfort 
to the Hessians, and Baron von Hugel took over the civil admin- 
istration of the city after the departure of the Grand Duke Dal- 
berg. While the Jews had nothing to fear from Austria and 
Prussia, the Rothschilds were apprehensive that the rights and 
privileges purchased from Dalberg might not be included in the 
proposed new constitution for the city. The constitution itself was 
to be decided by the Vienna Congress, scheduled to meet on October 
1, 1814. The Jews of Frankfort sent Bornes, Jacob Baruch and J. 
J. Gumprecht as their representatives to the Congress. These 
men were closely watched by the Viennese police, and finally 
ordered expelled. Metternich intervened, however, and the order 
was cancelled. 

The Vienna Congress was the first of its kind to feel and ex- 
perience Jewish pressure and influence on world affairs. Sub- 
sequent conferences were to be dominated by them and the course 
of history was to be altered by their efforts. The Rothschilds had 
contributed heavily to the funds furnished the Jewish representa- 
tives for their use at Vienna. The delegates made good use of 


the treasure they carried. Where money and jewels were not 
offered as ill-concealed bribes, they were disguised as "presents". 
Humboldt was presented with three magnificent emerald rings, 
and four thousand ducats, which he refused. Frederick von Gentz, 
Metternichs secretary, however, had no such scruples and freely 
permitted himself to be bribed. There were others. 

News that Napoleon had landed on French soil March 1st gal- 
vanized the quibbling Vienna Congress into action. The German 
Confederation was hastily formed. It consisted of thirty-nine inde- 
pendent communities with a common government. Austria was to 
preside over the Federal Diet of the confederation, whose seat was 
to be Frankfort-on-the-Main. A constitution was sanctioned, and 
all controversial matters, such as the Jewish question, were post- 
poned until Napoleon was finally deposed. 

Equal citizenship contemplates equal obligations as well as 
equal rights. Men were needed in the final campaign against 
Napoleon, who again was mobilizing the man-power of France for 
a supreme effort. The two Rothschild brothers living in Frankfort 
were called, with the other male citizens of that city, for military 
service! They screamed "persecution" and appealed frantically 
to brother Nathan in England. Nathan went to Herries. Herries 
induced the Foreign Office to make representations to Herr von 
Neumann, Austrian counselor of embassy in London. Neumann 
immediately wrote to Baron von Hugel, Austrian plenipotentiary 
at Frankfort: 

'The English Government has requested me most particu- 
larly to commend to your Excellency's consideration the House 
of Rothschild at Frankfort, which carries out the transfer of 
our subsidies. This firm is represented by several brothers, 
one of whom is established here, and is employed by the British 
government in connection with all their principal financial 
operations on the Continent. By reason of the confidence 
which he enjoys, and the extensive nature of his operations, 
both he and his brothers have incurred the envy of the Frank- 
fort bankers to such an extent that an attempt has been made 
to torment them by forcing them to do military service. As 
the English government appears to be most anxious that this 
firm should not be annoyed in any way, and as this appears 
to be a matter that directly concerns our service, I felt that 
I ought not to fail to transmit this request. I therefore ask 
your Excellency to grant that firm every help and protection 
that lies in your power." 

Baron von Hugel immediately sent the letter to Vienna, where 
it was submitted to Metternich. The Rothschild brothers in Frank- 
tort were not further "annoyed", and did not see military service. 

Count Buol-Schauenstein, Austria's plenipotentiary and president 
of the Federal Diet, took a dim view of Dalberg's "deal" with the 
Jews. "Trade," he wrote, "is still the only means of livelihood 


which the Jews adopt. This nation, which never amalgamates 

with any other, but always hangs together to pursue its own ends, 

will soon overshadow the Christian firms; and with their terribly 

rapid increase of population they will soon spread over the whole 

city, so that a Jewish trading city will gradually arise beside our 

venerable cathedral." 


James Rothschild was to make France his "Kingdom". He was 
only twenty-two years old when he first arrived in Paris. He was 
extremely Jewish in appearance. His hair was red, his eyes 
deep-set; a wide mouth whose lips were eternally pursed beneath 
a prominent hooked nose — a combination that does not add up to 
attractiveness. He was almost servile in his mannerisms — a 
characteristic that disappeared in the coming years. He was to 
become the most powerful man in France — through monarchy, 
revolution and the republic! 


Charles X learned little from the tragic history of the Bourbons, 
The ordinance dissolving the newly elected chamber of deputies 
before it had ever met, was published early in the morning of 
July 26, 1830. By its provisions new elections were ordered on an 
entirely different electoral basis, and, as usual, Paris went mad 
The "portable" barricades were wheeled out and piled high in the 
principal streets, while crowds gathered everywhere. Shops and 
stores were plundered for weapons. Mobs marched through the 
streets. The windows of Polignac's house were stoned and his 
carriage was smashed. By the 28th the revolution was well under 
way. Paris echoed with shouts and cries of "Down with the min- 
isters! Down with the Bourbons!" Many sections of the Paris 
garrison of twelve thousand men, went over to the rebels. By 
the 29th the royal troops were forced back to Saint-Cloud, where 
Charles X awaited developments. He was prepared to revoke the 
ordinances, but it was too late. The Louvre and the Tuilleries, 
which had been defended by Swiss troops, were stormed by the 
mob. The revolution was successful everywhere. On July 31 
the king fled the country. Louis Philippe, of the House of Orleans, 
became his successor. 

The revolution of July, 1830 was a revolution of the bourgeoisie 
— the well-to-do middle classes. While a few royal palaces and 
chateaux were sacked, there was very little damage to private 

The Rothschilds, while having formed close and intimate con- 
nections with Charles X and his ministers, had not overlooked the 
House of Orleans. They had rendered financial aid on several 
occasions to the Duke, and thus had laid the ground-work for any 
eventuality. While Charles X and his ministers were hastily 


racing for the closest frontier, the Rothschilds were already cheer- 
ing for the revolution. Their allegiance to Charles X was shifted 
without effort to Louis Philippe. Feeling loyalty only to themselves 
and the Jewish nation, the Rothschilds were capable of appearing 
loyal to any Gentile government open to exploitation. James was 
immediately on hand to offer the new monarch the peculiar services 
of the House of Rothschild. 

International Jewish finance, working through branches in for- 
eign countries in the hands of close family relatives or associates, 
has always been handicapped by the nationalism of the several 
nations. Organized Jewry, scattered throughout the nations of 
the world, has been handicapped also by Gentile nationalism. 
Jewish organizations, whether they work in the field of finance, 
or in furthering the Zionist aspect of Neo-Messianism, are neces- 
sarily international in character, and strive incessantly for the 
destruction of national boundaries and Gentile nationalism. In 
its own circles, world Jewry works constantly for Jewishness, 
Jewish nationalism and domination of the Gentile world. Social- 
ism, communism, and the revolutionary labor movement, Jewish 
led or dominated for the greater part, are also basically inter- 
national. Analysis reveals that these Jewish movements are not 
so paradoxical as they appear at first glance. The uninformed 
merely see the surface characteristics, and, applying the results 
of experience and observation from a modern Gentile point of 
view, necessarily arrive at wrong conclusions. How can the Jews 
demand an international world order, and, at the same time, 
demand a separate and distinct nationalism for themselves? In 
the first place this is exactly the factual situation. They do demand 
an international world order for the Gentiles, and a separate, dis- 
tinct and exclusive nationalism for themselves. The reasons are 
obvious. Jewish nationalism — as the sons of Abraham — is the basic 
principle of Judaism. The truth of this statement is one of the 
outstanding and uncontroverted facts of history. World domina- 
tion by Israel is decreed by Jehovah. By bringing all the nations 
of the world under the authority of a world government, Israel 
may dominate by controlling the world parliament. As the Roth- 
schilds and their Jewish brethren have controlled the several 
nations through the power of the purse, they intend to more 
rigidly control the world's Gentile population through a single 
World Government. Working through foreign, independent gov- 
ernments is tedious, time-consuming and expensive. The control 
of the power and force of a single governmental agency would 
channel Jewish will and finance expeditiously, instantaneously, 
and inexpensively. 

Many forces, working from many sources, are necessary when 


the thinking, customs, traditions, and freedoms of the world are 
to be completely changed. Religious faiths must be either utterly 
smashed or rendered completely ineffective as a resisting element. 
The ends of education must be altered to serve the new order 
rather than the individual, and brain-washing must replace mental 
enlightenment. Insofar as compulsory physical slavery has always 
ended in successful revolt, voluntary physical compliance should 
result in complacent contentment. Individuality despises regimen- 
tation, whereas collectivity glories in its fraternity and interde- 
pendence. Occasional rebels are best dealt with as "mentally ill" 
persons, rather than as intelligent "criminals". There is no re- 
sentment against authority when the political leader is taken away 
by kindly attendants in white coats. The mob will not consciously 
follow a "leader" who has been diagnosed as insane. Pride, dignity, 
family — these are dangerous ideas in a collective world order. 
Communism may be depended on to eliminate these potentials 
among the proletariat, while "progressive" education and integra- 
tion of the races will eradicate them among the bourgeoisie. Pride 
in nationality, race and color will disappear after a generation 
of interbreeding, so that the universal brown-man will feel neither 
inferiority nor superiority. Such a world will be easy to control, 
particularly if its people can be made to believe that they willed 
it so. 

Their fabulous command of unlimited supplies of money broke 
down all barriers for the Rothschilds. The dazzle of great wealth 
increased their social prestige everywhere. The powerful and 
the great, kings, princes and premiers sought their favor. They 
built palaces and entertained the "right people" with a royal mag- 
nificence that shamed the state affairs of monarchs. The world 
was at their feet, and the cause of Jewry in Europe was in its 

James Rothschild's palace in Paris was always open to the com- 
munist Heinrich Heine. The Jewish poet had broken all bonds 
with Germany and had established permanent residence in Paris 
in May of 1831. Heine's father had known the Rothschilds, having 
been constantly engaged in financial matters with them, so that 
Heine's intimate association with James was probably the renewal 
of an old acquaintanceship. The Jew, Ludwig Borne, also living 
in Paris, was in contact with Rothschild. Borne suggested that 
it might be well for humanity if all the kings were uncrowned 
and the Rothschilds placed on the thrones of the world. He 
(January 22, 1832) that Louis Philippe would be crowned in Paris, 
in Notre Dame de la Bourse, with Rothschild acting as archbishop. 
Thus Louis Philippe would not be crowned by the Pope, but by 
a Jew. 

James Rothschild continually helped finance Heine, although 


the latter apparently felt that he was not quite as generous as 
he should have been. Heine, the communist, looked upon Roth- 
schild as a potential revolutionary and believed he (Heine) would 
one day come to see him as one of the "greatest" — a founder of 
modern "democracy". "Herr von Rothschild," he wrote, "was one 
of the first to perceive the worth of Cremieux . . . Similarly he 
at once appreciated Louis Philippe's political capacity, and he was 
always on the most confidential terms with that great master of 
statecraft. Herr von Rothschild alone discovered Emile Pereire, 

the Pontifex Maximus of railways . . ." 

In April of 1840 a Damascus priest, Father Thomas, and his 
servant disappeared. Foul play being suggested certain Jewish 
suspects were arrested who confessed to murdering the priest and 
his servant. World Jewry immediately protested vehemently de- 
claring that the Jews were innocent; that their confessions had 
been made under torture. James and Solomon Rothschild imme- 
diately brought their tremendous pressures to bear upon their 
various governments. James secured the cooperation of the French 
monarch, and Solomon induced Prince Metternich of Austria to 
take action. The Austrian Consul von Laurin protested to Moham- 
med Ali, reporting directly to James and Solomon of his actions. 
The French consul at Damascus, however, being on the scene, took 
an altogether different view of the murder and the defendants, 
and, the political situation being acute, Louis Philippe dared not 
risk unwarranted support of the Jews against the Christians. 
James' letter to Solomon is of considerable importance. It clearly 
reveals the behind-the-scenes methods employed by the Jews in 
pressuring governments and molding public opinion. The letter 

"My efforts have unfortunately not yet produced the desired 
result. The Governments are acting very slowly in this matter; 
in spite of the praiseworthy action of the Austrian Consul they 
do not wish immediately to recall our Consul, because the 
matter is too remote, so that public interest has not been suffi- 
ciently aroused about it. All that I have so far succeeded in 
doing is, as is briefly stated in the Moniteur today, to arrange 
that the Vice- Consul at Alexandria should be instructed to 
investigate the conduct of the Consul at Damascus; this is, 
however, only a temporizing measure, since the Vice-consul is 
under the Consul, so that he has no authority to call the latter 
to account for his actions. 

"In such circumstances the only means left is the all-powerful 
method here of calling in the newspapers to our assistance, 
and we have accordingly today had a detailed account, based 
on the report of the Austrian Consul, sent in to the Debats and 
other papers, and have also arranged that this account shall 
appear in similar detail in the AUgemeine Zeitung of Augs- 
burg. We should certainly have published Herr von Laurin's 
letters to me on this matter, had we not felt that this should 


only be done after previously obtaining the pe mission of his 
Highness Prince von Metternich. 

"For this reason, my dear brother, convinced as I am that you 
will gladly do your utmost in defense of the just cause, I 
would beg you to request the Prince in his kindness to author- 
ize the publication of these letters. The gracious sentiments 
of human feeling which the Prince has expressed with regard 
to this sad episode cause us confidently to entertain the hope 
that this request will not be refused. When you have received 
the desired permission, I beg you, my dear Solomon, not im- 
mediately to publish the letter in the Osterreichischer Beobach- 
ter alone, but also to be so good as to send them immediately, 
with a short covering letter, to the Augsburger Zeitung, so 
that they may reach the public through that medium also." 

Prince Metternich, while bartering Austria away with Solomon 
Rothschild, nevertheless recognized the Frankenstein he was help- 
ing build in Europe. "By reason of natural causes which I cannot 
regard as good or as moral," he declared in a moment of alarm, 
"the House of Rothschild is a much more important influence in 
French affairs than the foreign Office of any country, except per- 
haps England. The great motive force is their money. People 
who hope for philanthropy, and who have to suppress all criticism 
under the weight of gold, need a great deal of it. The fact of 
corruption is dealt with quite openly, that practical element, in 
the fullest sense of the word, in the modern representative system." 

What he said about the House of Rothschild in Paris, he could 
have said with equal accuracy about the House of Rothschild in 

Revolution swept over Sicily in January of 1848. Waves of 
excitement stirred the populations of the great cities of Europe. 
Disorders spread to Naples. In Paris the red flag was unfurled 
over the barricades. Jewish revolutionaries led the workmen and 
the students into the bloody revolt February 22, 1848. Guizot 
resigned. The troops attacked the revolutionaries on the barri- 
cades, stirring the populace into a frenzy of excitement. On the 
24th the national guard and line regiments went over to the rebels. 
The seventy-four year old Louis Philippe fled the country. 

Marx and Engels were taken by surprise. Their theories had 
promised an early upheaval, but they were not quite prepared 
for the sudden and unannounced explosion. The Communist 
League in London, in probable anticipation of Marx's immediate 
assumption of dictatorial powers over the proletariat, hastened to 
transfer its powers to Brussels. Marx and Engels made ready 
to set out for Paris in order to take personal charge of the revo- 
lution. In anticipation of the necessity of quick and decisive action, 
the central committee was dissolved and Marx was entrusted with 
full revolutionary powers. The meeting was held in Marx's house. 


The comrades had just passed the resolution bestowing dictatorial 
powers on Marx, when the Brussels police raided the place. Marx 
and his wife were arrested and they spent the night in jail. They 
were ordered out of Belgium the next day. They went to Paris. 

Lamartine and Arago asked the Jewish banker, Michael Goud- 
chaux, to accept the revolutionary portfolio for finance. The 
banker accepted. Caussidiere, the barricade prefect — a former 
journalist on ha Reforme — asked James Rothschild for a loan for 
the purpose of paying his revolutionary aides. James happily 

The varied socialist sects of Paris were aroused to wild activity. 
Louis Blanc clamored for official adoption of the red flag as 
the national emblem, and for the immediate establishment of 
national workshops. Proudhon demanded "the organization of 
credit and speculation," and loudly condemned all ideas of state- 
socialist experiments. Bakunin screamed for more blood-shed. 
Everybody sang the Marseillaise, shot off fire-crackers, and set up 
"trees of liberty" in the boulevards. The foreign revolutionaries 
formed themselves into "legions of liberty" to fight in their res- 
pective countries. A German legion was organized, Wilhelm Lieb- 
knecht being one of its youngest volunteers. Herwegh, who led 
the German Legion, invaded Germany and his "legionnaires" were 
cut to pieces in the course of the Baden fighting. 

Marx arrived in Paris on March 4, 1848. He immediately organ- 
ized a new "central committee" consisting of himself, Engels, 
Wolff, and the members of the London central committee who had 
also managed to get to Paris. Marx drafted a new manifesto 
entitled the "Demands of the Communist Party in Germany". It 
contained seventeen points. Agitators were dispatched to Germany 
to stir up revolt — Wolff went to Breslau, Schapper to Nassau, 
and Stephan Born to Berlin. 

In the beginning of April Engels and Marx left Paris for 
Germany, where the flames of the revolution had preceded them. 
The Holy Alliance had crumbled in the smoke and flame of 
Vienna, and Prince Metternich had fled the City on money borrowed 
from Solomon Rothschild. Baden, Wurtenberg, and Bavaria 
felt the terror of surging hatred as the revolutionaries carried 
fire and death through the streets of these cities. 

And then the storm started to abate. Authorities began calling 
for tranquility, law and order. Foreigners in Paris became 
suspect. The excesses of the communists created a reaction against 
them. The atmosphere in Germany did not offer much hope for 
the revival of the "Rheinische Zeitung" — the project Marx and 
Engels contemplated when they left Paris — but it was finally 
launched on June 1, 1848 in Cologne as the "Neue Rheinische 


Zeitung" — the first communist newspaper, although it called itself 
the organ of the "Democrats". In addition to Marx and Engels 
the staff consisted of Wilhelm and Ferdinand Wolff, Ernst Dronke, 
Georg Weerth, Ferdinand Freiligrath, and Heinrich Burgers. 

A great open-air meeting was held in Cologne at which Hein- 
rich Burgers voiced the policy of the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung." 
A second public meeting, with greater attendance, was held in a 
field near Worringen-on-the-Rhine. Here the Jew, Ferdinand Las- 
selle, leader of a revolutionary group from Dusseldorf, met Engels 
for the first time. Marx, dodging the authorities in fear of depor- 
tation, was not present at the meeting. 

Schapper, Moll and Herbert Becker were arrested. Publication 
of the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung" was officially prohibited. Wolff 
went to the Palatinate. Engels hurried to Barmen to destroy his 
seditious correspondence file, and, with Dronke, went on to Brus- 
sels, where they both were arrested. After being escorted over 
the French frontier, Engels stayed a short time in Paris, and then 
went to Switzerland. 

On October 6, 1848, the blood-thirsty mob in Vienna murdered 
the war-minister Count Latour. His corpse was hung stark naked 
to a lamp post, where the mob entertained itself by continuing to 
insult and beat it. The first mob casualty was a Jewish revo- 
lutionary named Heinrich Spitzer. Jews led the revolt every- 
where. The first revolutionary parliament in Vienna (and later 
in Kremster) contained five Jewish deputies. 

Marx, who had now met Lasselle, stayed in Cologne and con- 
tinued to publish the "Neue Rheinische" in defiance of the order 
of suppression. 

The counter-revolution moved slowly but confidently. In October 
Vienna fell and on November 9th Robert Blum was shot by a 
firing squad. Lassalle was arrested in Dusseldorf. Marx was 
tried before a Cologne jury on February 8, 1849. He was acquitted. 
Lassalle was acquitted in Dusseldorf. Marx continued with the 
"Neue Rheinische". He now called for a revolutionary war against 

The last edition of the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung" was dated 

May, 1849. The government, in the exercise of its police power, 

suppressed it and ordered Marx again deported. 

Present at the Cologne congress of the "democratic" party was 
Karl Schurz and Gottfried Kinkel. Schurz has given posterity 
the following picture of the Jewish revolutionary leader: 

"Marx was then a man of thirty, and was already the recog- 
nized chief of a socialist school. He was sturdily built, with a 
broad forehead, raven-black hair, a huge head, and dark, 
sparkling eyes, so that he attracted general attention. I had 
been told that he was a man of great erudition, and since I 
knew very little of his social and economic discoveries and 


theories, I was eager to hear the words of wisdom that would, 
I supposed, fall from the lips of so celebrated a man. I was 
greatly disappointed. What Marx said was (unquestionably) 
weighty, logical, and clear. But never have I seen any one 
whose manner was more insufferably arrogant. He would 
not give a moment's consideration to any opinion that differed 
from his own. He treated with open contempt every one who 
contradicted him. Arguments that were not to his taste were 
answered, either by mordant saarcasms upon the speaker's 
lamentable ignorance, or else by casting suspicion upon the 
motives of his adversary. I shall never forget the scorneful 
tone in which he uttered the word 'bourgeois', as if he were 
spewing it out of his mouth; and he stigmatized as 'bourgeois', 
by which he meant to imply the embodiment of profound moral 
degradation, every one who ventured to contradict him. It is 
not surprising that Marx's proposals were rejected; that those 
whose feelings he had wounded by his offensive manner were 
inclined to vote in favor of everything which ran counter to 
his wishes; and that, far from winning new adherents, he re- 
pelled many who might have been inclined to support him." 

James Rothschild gave Ledru-Rollin seven hundred and fifty 
thousand francs in support of the 1848 revolution. It is said that 
he was compelled to do so under Ledru-Rollin's threat to burn the 
Palais Rothschild in the Rue Lafitte. 

In the three days street-fighting in June of 1848, Louis Eugene 
Cavaignac emerged victorious. He immediately assumed dicta- 
torial powers and was nominated president of the council of 
ministers by the National Assembly. By the free use of large 
sums of money Rothschild ingratiated himself with the new power 
in France, and was as much at home with Cavaignac as he had 
been with Louis Philippe. It was soon said that he was as good 
a republican as he had been a monarchist. 

The French Workers' Party claimed him as its own. The editor 
of the radical Tocsin des Travailleurs wrote: 

"You are a wonder, sir! In spite of his legal majority Louis 
Philippe has fallen, Guizot has disappeared, the constitutional 
monarchy and parliamentary methods have gone by the board; 
you, however, are unmoved! . . . Where are Arago and Lamar- 
tine? They are finished but you have survived. The banking 
princes are going into liquidation and their offices are closed. 
The great captains of industry and the railway companies 
totter. Shareholders, merchants, manufacturers, and bankers 
are ruined en masse; big men and little men are alike over- 
whelmed; you alone among these ruins remain unaffected. 
Although your House felt the first violence of the shock in 
Paris, although the effects of Revolution pursue you from 
Naples to Vienna and Berlin, you remain unmoved in the face 
of a movement that has affected the whole of Europe. Wealth 
fades away, glory is humbled, and dominion is broken, but the 
Jew, the monarch of our time, has held his throne . . ." 
Rothschild's old friend, General Theodule Changarnier, was 


recalled from Algiers and made commander-in-chief of the National 

Guard of France. 


Ferdinand Lassalle (1825-1864) was the son of Heymann Lassel, 
a prosperous Jewish silk merchant. Lassalle became a lawyer 
in Germany, practicing at Dusseldorf. He met Heine in Paris 
in 1845. As a result of his revolutionary activities in 1848 he served 
six months in prison. From his first meeting with Marx in 1848 
he became an ardent and clever revolutionist. He was charged 
with moral complicity in the theft of a jewel case. He was con- 
victed of the charge but the judgment was reversed on appeal. 

Lassalle is regarded as the founder of the German Socialist 
Democratic Party — a political name that henceforth would mean 
the Communist Party to the initiated. In a very real sense Las- 
salle also may be said to be the father of the modern labor move- 
ment. He founded the Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein (Gen 
eral Labor Union of Germany), and became its first president. 
The Jewish Encyclopedia observes that "he was hated and de- 
nounced as 'the terrible Jew'." His disciples were Bernard Becker, 
Vahlteich, Dammer, and Bebel. 

Helene von Donnigsen (or Donniges) was Jewish on her mother's 
side. She was the wife successively of the Romanian boyar Raco- 
wita, the actor Siegwart Friedmann, and the writer Serge von 
Schewitsch. Lasalle met Helen in 1862 and planned to marry her. 
Her father strenuously objected, and Helen became engaged to 
Janko von Racowita. Lassalle promptly challenged both the father 
and Racowita to a duel, which the latter accepted. At first shot 
Lasalle fell mortally wounded and died three days later. He was 
buried in the Jewish cemetery at Breslau. 

Lassalle had collected funds for Marx and his fellow exiles in 
London. He and Engels were the only two communists of impor- 
tance who remained completely loyal to the disagreeable dicta- 
tor Marx through the strife and poverty that overwhelmed him 
in 1849 and 1850. Freilegrath, however, did what he could. He 
was able to secure a commission for Marx to write articles for 
Horace Greeley's New York, Tribune every two weeks at one pound 
per article. Although Marx's name appeared on the articles and 
he collected the money for them, Engels did most of the writing. 
Lassalle, in 1855, secured another writing job for him as London 
correspondent for the Oder Gazette, a "progressive" periodical 

published in Breslau. 


While Marx starved in London on the little money Engels was 
able to give him, Lassalle soared to popularity in Germany. His 
exploitation of the "working class" found growing support among 


the laborers, and Lassalle made the most of the unrest and dis- 
content of the day. 

When William, brother of King Frederick William (who had 
just died) came to the throne, he issued a general pardon for the 
revolutionaries of 1848. While this general pardon restored most 
of the insurrectionists to full rights of citizenship, it did not help 
Marx because he had long since voluntarily abandoned his Prus- 
sian citizenship. Lassalle insisted that Marx come to Berlin so 
that he might petition the government for restoration of his citi- 
zenship or for re-naturalization. Engels supplied the money and 
Marx went to Germany. Lassalle met him at the railway station 
in Berlin and insisted that he stay at his home pending the legal 
proceedings. Meanwhile, he secured another job for him as London 
correspondent for the Presse, a Viennese newspaper. Lassalle's 
efforts on behalf of Marx's citizenship were unsuccessful and Marx 
was compelled to return to London. 

The frustration that Marx suffered would be hard to describe. 
The political party he had created in Germany had slipped out 
of his hands. By an ironic fate he had no legal right to remain 
in the land of his birth — a right he had tossed away as worthless. 
Lassalle remained in supreme command of his revolutionary forces, 
while he again sullenly walked off into exile. As the years went 
by Marx's frustration turned to bitter envy, which in turn grew 
into a brooding hatred for Lassalle. Thereafter, in characteristic 
bitterness, he referred to his Jewish disciple as "Izzy" and "Baron 


Revolutionary socialism had originated in the Jewish mind and 
its effective leadership remained in Jewish hands. Marx, "the 
Moor", although in exile, remained the recognized head of the 
movement and the oracle of theoretic determination. His Com- 
munist Manifesto was the handbook of communist theory and 
action throughout the socialist world. Ideas of "democracy", in 
terms of majority rule as applied in ancient Greece, became re- 
stricted when coupled with "socialism" in the minds of its ad- 
herents after 1848. The "Socialist Democratic" parties of the 
several countries were neither "social" nor "democratic". The 
underlying principle was the ultimate destruction of all opposition 
parties and the establishment of "the dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat" — a monolithic organization that made new theories, or 
the modification of Marxist theories, an unpardonable crime against 
the "proletariat". A "centralized" sort of democracy — "democratic 
centralism" — rapidly developed. The rules were decided in con- 
gresses by the accredited delegates and thereafter became the 
unquestioned law of the parties. The dogma of Marxian theory 
superseded dissent or revision. The "deviationist", or "revision- 


ist", the individual thinker — these "heretics" — suffered the ancient 
ban or excommunication of the synagogues with a vengeance. 
Until the communists had the power to sentence the culprit to 
death, his isolation from society was more complete than the old 
rabbinic bans. "Mass exposure" and the organization of mass 
hatred against the culprit became the approved method. Thus 
the communist or socialist parties developed under Jewish dis- 
cipline in the atmosphere of secret societies. 

Jewish workers, impressed with the Jewish origin and the 
Jewish leadership of the socialist movements made up the first 
important cells of communist political organizations in Europe. 
To this center came the Christian proletariat — drawn first by its 
envy, hate, greed and frustration, and attracted by the old promise 
of "a land flowing with milk and honey". The pseudo- Christian 
laborer was not troubled with theories — he was to be moved only 
by plausible arguments that satisfied his baser emotions. Those 
he was to destroy and dispossess were the "exploiters", the 
"bosses", the "landlords", the "authorities", the governments — the 
combined bourgeoisie — the thieves of the profits of labor. The 
Church had to be destroyed because "religion is the opium of the 
people"; it lulled starving and oppressed people to sleep with 
promises of plenty in the hereafter, while the "bosses" and the 
'ruling class' grew fat in the present. These deluded Christian 
supporters of the Jewish onslaught on Christianity and civiliza- 
tion applauded such fiery harangues of stark, vicious hatred, and 
did not look ahead to tomorrow nor stop to inquire of the kind 
of world these Jewish agitators intended to build. And, indeed, 
here was the crux of the dilemma and the tragedy of the hoax! 
There was no plan for that brave new tomorrow! 

In all of Marx's insane theories of destruction there is no an- 
nounced plan of reconstruction! What kind of a state did he 
contemplate 1 ? No one had an answer and few paused to inquire. 
Bismarck, demanding the suppression of the socialist organiza- 
tions of Germany, raised the question in a speech on the floor 
of the Reichstag. "If only I could find out," he said, "what the 
future state which Herr Bebel and his comrades envisage it like! 
We can only catch glimpses of it through the cracks. None of 
these gentlemen has been willing to enunciate a positive program. 
If every man has to have his share allotted to him from above, 
we arrive at a kind of prison existence where everyone is at the 
mercy of the warders. And in our modern prisons the warder 
is at any rate a recognized official, against whom one can lodge 
a complaint. But who will be the warders in the general socialist 
prison? There will be no question of lodging complaints against 
them. They will be the most merciless tyrants ever seen, and 
the rest will be slaves of these tyrants." 


No one replied. The revolutionary "scientific socialism" of the 
Jewish dictator exiled in London had no goal; no destination; 
described no objectives! In it are contained detailed blue-prints 
for sanguinary battles on the barricades; minute formulae for 
deceit, trickery and cunning; stirring battle-music for hate — but 
no place to rest when the butchery was done and the world des- 
troyed. Marx's apologists aver that his function was to analyze; 
not to prophesy; yet to analyze is to prophesy — at least to sketch 
the inferences and deduction necessarily indicated by the analysis. 
The statement is false, of course, because analysis alone does not 
contemplate a rigid course of action. As a "natural historian" 
of the course of capital one must of necessity be the prophet 
of its trend. And Marx was, in fact, the prophet of its trend. 
He said "capital" would be destroyed; that, indeed, it was its 
"own grave-digger!" In its place would stand socialism! And 
socialism? Common ownership of the means of production and the 
objects of consumption! Just this and nothing more! Once he 
had a vision of the future as he paused to cleanse his tortured 
mind of the bloody path his proletarians would blaze through the 
world. "Let us imagine," he wrote in his first chapter of Das 
Kapital, "an association of free men, working with common 
means of production, and putting forth, consciously, their indi- 
vidual powers into one social labor power. The product of this 
association of laborers is a social product. A portion of this 
product serves in turn as a means of further production. It remains 
social property. The rest of this product is consumed by the 
members of the association as a means of living. It must con- 
sequently be distributed among them. The nature of this distribu- 
tion will vary according to the particular nature of the organ- 
ization of production and the corresponding grade of historical 
development of the producers" Only this, and nothing more! Rem- 
iniscent of "pilpulism" of the Talmud, it is a dim, faltering light 
— out of which came the Soviet Union. 

What attracted Christian labor to Jewish Marxism? In the first 
place the overwhelming majority of its recruits did not know 
any more about its origins or its meaning than they do today. 
They were caught in the flamboyant slogans of the movement and 
carried along in the confraternity of Lassalle's labor unions. They 
were caught by the overtones of "democracy", "equality" and 
"freedom". The tide was strong and it was moving out to sea. 

All political movements are evolutionary. This evolution is 
both objective and subjective. No political movement adopts poli- 
tical doctrines by chance. Every political movement exists in 
terms of need, desire, or basic lack among its potential adherents 
before it takes form as a party organization. This does not mean, 
of course, that the political doctrines exist; but only that discon- 


tent and dissatisfaction are extant to which proposed political 
doctrines may apply. The "party" comes into existence to give 
the movement expression, promising to enable it to achieve what 
it could not accomplish as an unorganized and undirected mass. 
The objective of all political parties is power. The political drive 
for power is only as strong and as constant as the interpretation 
of the emotional content of the mass by the political leader. Few 
political movements ever made much of an impression on history 
solely by cool, calculated reason, morals and ideals. Such a 
political party is necessarily unselfish and fair, and may only 
promise such intangibles as liberty and justice. Compared with 
the communist promise of the division of the world's wealth, the 
honest political party has very little to offer. The position of 
the political leader generally is that of an interpreter. The most 
successful political leader is not necessarily the most accurate 
interpreter. Unrest and discontent may be harnessed to several 
different types of chariots. The statesman, it is said, looks to the 
next generation, while the demagogue is only concerned with the 
next election. If men have abandoned God and morals they will 
not be moved by God and morals. While immediate demands and 
objectives may vary from time to time a living political move- 
ment varies little from its basic moral principles. The successful 
political leader, whether he be sincere, an opportunist or a dema- 
gogue, recognizes the desires, greeds, needs, bias and prejudices 
of the adherents of a movement, and gears his leadership to a 
vocal expression of those sentiments. He remains a leader of the 
movement so long as he is capable of expressing these sentiments. 

Marx and Lenin recognized these obvious principles of political 
movements. They also recognized that an appeal to base passions 
is a stronger lever in such movements than appeal to lofty ideals. 
Those who have little or nothing of the world's goods may be 
moved to justified collective thievery, where they might never 
be stirred by lectures advocating self-improvement and virtuous 
conduct. "You have a world to gain, and nothing to lose but 
your chains" suggests that the "slaves" revolt and help themselves 
to the world's wealth. Individually a "slave" may not take what 
does not belong to him. If he does it means a jail sentence, if 
not a hanging. Collectively theft is suddenly justified; it becomes 
a mob-approved virtue! 

Political movements are only possible where there exists opposi- 
tion movements. If there was no opposition there would be no 
need for a political movement. And opposition movements mean 
conflict. The socialist movement is highly unique in that it is in 
opposition to all other existing political movements. Its objective 
is the destruction of all of them. Its objective is, in fact, more 
than that; it is determined to destroy the entire extant social and 


economic system. It is a great deal more than political in the 
modern acceptance of the term. In essence it is Marx's theory 
of historical materialism — all history is merely the record of the 
deadly conflict between the workers and their masters. Thus Marx, 
the political leader, interprets the need and the greed of the revo- 
lutionary movement and chains it to his war-chariot of destruction. 
In the final analysis his system is more a declaration of war 
against all humanity than a "political" party. It is the only 
theoretic system ever conceived that is designed for the destruc- 
tion of all opposition and the complete enslavement of its own 

Men have rarely, if ever, made political parties. Great events, 
more often than not, create movements of one kind or another. 
Given an event, a class of men associated with the event, and a 
leader, and you have a political movement and a party. In Marx's 
time men were still talking of the Reign of Terror of the great 
French Revolution. During his own life the revolution of 1830 
had shaken Europe, although it was a "bourgeois" revolution. The 
long and determined warfare against Christianity had taken its 
toll. Doubt and gross materialism stalked everywhere. The rabble 
of France had enthroned "Reason" and cast down the Cross of 
the Savior. The industrial revolution had created poverty, hunger 
and misery in the hovels and tenements of the poor. Hate, envy 
and distress filled the minds and bodies of great masses of men 
everywhere. It was said that the Utopians and Christian "social- 
ists" had failed because they had remained steadfast in belief in 
God and the principles of the Church. The brooding, sullen mind 
of Marx, haunted by the ancient formulas of Talmudic logic and 
particularly aware of the fertile soil at his disposal, gradually 
conceived a new and sinister motor-power for political action. With 
the amoral abandonment of his Jewishness in relations to all 
Gentiles, he coupled his native cunning with Machiavellian deceit, 
and gave the "working classes" his "Communist Manifesto". The 
fact that his system offered no objective — no model state — is no 
mere oversight. It is an integral part of the plan. 

Communism appeals to the failure, the lost, the unredeemable. 
Those who suffer from a sense of deep inferiority and frustra- 
tion are solaced by the thought that they are the "victims" of 
some sort of system or exploitation. The failure is characterized 
by his unwillingness to confess his own shortcomings. When 
his hatred is directed against the supposed cause of his frustration, 
he becomes whole in his own self-esteem, and ruthless in his desire 
for vengeance. Communism produces an unconscious drive in its 
adherents to reduce mankind to a common denominator — the move- 
ment it produces becomes a leveling process, and its yardstick 
is mediocrity. It follows that Marxism had little difficulty in re- 


cruiting its revolutionary forces from the erstwhile Christian 
rabble of Europe. 

It should be noted that while Marx's "scientific" socialism is 
designed for the so-called "proletariat" — the penniless laborer — 
Marx, his disciples and the movement's Jewish leaders all came 
from the hated bourgeoisie — the well-to-do middle class. This was 
true in the beginning, and, with amazingly few exceptions, has 
remained true throughout. The force for the destruction of Chris- 
tendom — the unskilled rabble of the world — has, at all times, 

remained in the hands of the bourgeois Jewish intellectuals. 

The Christian capitalist free-enterprise political parties of the 
world have been in retreat since the close of the First World War. 
They have fought a few rear-guard actions, and have surrendered 
fortress after fortress without having fired a shot. Their time- 
tried maneuvers and tactics have proved less and less effective 
with each passing year. They have been losing on every front for 
the very simple reason that they do not know, or refuse to ac- 
knowledge they know, where the front is located. By some strange 
spell of hypnotism they are afraid to name the enemy. Stupid 
shadow-boxing is about all the fighting these once gallant parties 
are now capable of staging. While posing as great supporters of 
"free enterprise", they scuttle their own ships with "drills" from 
the Communist Manifesto. While crying out against the "menace" 
of "Communism" they embrace its twin-brother, "Socialism". While 
lambasting the evil of the Jew Marx, they open their arms to two 
million of his Khazar brethren from the lands of the Jewish So- 
cialist Bund. While denouncing Gentile aggression against Gentile 
nations they lend a hand and cheer Jewish aggression in Pales- 
tine. While orating about "independence" and patriotism on the 
4th of July, they welcome an international parliament for World 
Government on the sacred soil of national independence. While 
mouthing the principles of Christ they forbid the singing of Christ- 
mas carols in public schools because the Jews are offended by 
such "Christological" manifestations! In a word, they have be- 
come Judaized! 

Meanwhile the Jews control the means of communication, edu- 
cation, the press, entertainment, and the economic power to stifle 
and destroy all opposition to their plans for world domination 
through World Government. Marxism supplied the psychological 
formula that permits clever men to harness the socialist movement 
to their particular transmission-belt for their own purposes, and 
at the same time, to firmly entrap the movement in the iron 
meshes of its own net. Moreover, for the first time in history, 
the "clever men" are left free of the entangling web, so that in 
the end they will occupy positions of unassailable tyranny. For 
these reasons, among others, the socialist movement is admirably 


adapted to corrupt control. The old political parties in opposition 
are equally corrupt, but the result of such corruption differs ma- 
terially from the corrupt control of the socialist movement. Where- 
as Marxism is distinguished by its utter lack of morality, opposition 
parties are founded on morals. Corruption taints that which is 
moral, but leaves no impression where morals do not exist. A 
blob of black on a surface of white is plainly seen. A blob of 
black on black is hardly noticeable. Thus the black mark on 
the moral organization is a victory for the socialist. 

If the Jewish socialist movement is to be countered, a new poli- 
tical movement must stir the hearts and minds of the non- socialist, 
Christian masses of the world. Anti-communists exist in great 
numbers, but this is not enough. Communism in all its Marxian 
socialist aspects must be rejected. Christians, of all sects and 
denominations, must forget old quarrels and join hands in a new 
Crusade for the preservation of Christian principles. As long as 
Christianity remains divided, its sects may be dealt with easily 
and at will. Perhaps it will take a world-shaking event to create 
a new Christian union. Perhaps its institutions must be broken 
and shattered before an unconquerable remnant arises to lead a 
new crusade for Christ, country and freedom. 

One thing is certain. Unless Christian common sense prevails 
over the chaos that befuddles the world, the last of the Christians 
may again assemble in the catacombs of some abandoned ruin to 
await the coming of another Constantine. 

Most of the anti-communist leaders of our time are failing 
in their struggles against Marxism because they lack either the 
courage or the knowledge necessary to the task. Those who know 
and understand the real problems involved are silenced by personal 
ambition and the devastating lash of the tongue of the opposition. 
The most capable are rendered ineffective by the subtle corrup- 
tion of self-interest, or the paralyzing fear of being labeled a reac- 
tionary and an "anti-Semite". Hence, the carefully chosen language 
of the modern politicians. The old cliches merely refurbish the 
empty platitudes, and the essence of their pompous harangues is 
compromise. The tired old parties, either running away, or adopt- 
ing the platform of the socialists, plead only for the privilege 
of placing their candidates in public office. Their campaigns have 
become gigantic give-away programs, in which each party endeav- 
ors to out-bid the other in socialistic promises. Their economic, 
social and political doctrines, torn, soiled and bespattered with 
socialist offal, fail to rally the betrayed patriots of a forgotten day. 
Only the dejected veterans of ancient political wars listen with 
nostalgia and despair. 

The greatest casualties in the socialist wars have been in the 
ranks of Christianity. The assaults against the citadel of God 
and Christ have been the most continuous and the most effective. 


Christianity, of course, stood in the first line of battle. As long 
as it held firmly, godless socialism was powerless. But once the 
ranks of Christendom were penetrated, socialism rushed in to ex- 
terminate its institutions and its culture. Because of its inter- 
national character and objective, the conflict of nations — particu- 
larly Christian nations — is the meat on which it feeds. Every 
war since 1848 has advanced the cause of Zionism and its brother, 
Communism. Marx established the principle and Lenin and 
Trotsky made it a party doctrine. World War I gave birth to 
the Soviet Union, established a "home" for the Jews in the Holy 
Land, dismembered Europe and launched the first attempt for 
World Government — the League of Nations. World War II estab- 
lished the Soviet Union as a world power, gave her a billion new 
subjects and a slice of Europe, created a nation for the Jews in 
Palestine at the expense of the Arabs, further dismembered 
Europe, and brought the United States into the orbit of the League 
of Nations under its new name — the United Nations. In addition, 
it destroyed the British Empire, launched the United States into 
world imperialism, and set the stage for World War in — possibly 

the last great war, Armageddon! 


The divorce case of Countess Hatzfeldt was a cause celebre in 
Germany. Lassalle won it for her and made himself financially 
independent. For some unexplained reason the law suit became a 
symbol of the "struggle" between "liberalism" and "reaction". 

Lassalle rigorously followed the Marxist "line" and remained 
a steadfast party member. In 1856 he sent Marx thirty pounds and 
wrote "you have no friend in Germany but me". Marx's wrath 
was beyond control and he informed Engels that he was certain 
Lassalle was attempting to steal the fruit of his labors. Engels, 
always Marx's champion, exploded: "The Jew! A typical Jew from 
the Slavic border, always ready to exploit everyone for his private 
ends. This mania for forcing his way into distinguished circles 
and making a successful career, at the same time concealing, 
with all kinds of hairoil and make-up, the fact that he is nothing 
but a greasy Jew from Breslau, has always been repulsive to 
me." (March 7, 1856.) 

Lassalle worked industriously in Germany attempting to have 
Marx's "Critique of Political Economy" published. When the first 
part of the first volume appeared — and failed to be acclaimed — 
Marx blamed Lassalle. 

In 1862 Lassalle visited Marx in London. Marx and his wife 
laughed at him and ridiculed his plans. Lassalle came to the 
conclusion that Marx did not like him. Nevertheless he gave him 
fifteen pounds in cash and sixty pounds in promissory notes. Marx 
showed his "gratitude" in his report to Engels. "That guy," he 
wrote, "would rather throw his money in the gutter than lend it 


to a friend." A little later (July 30, 1862) Marx decided that 
Lassalle was a "Jewish nigger". "It is perfectly obvious from the 
shape of his head," he wrote, "and the way his hair grows that he 
is descended from the negroes who joined Moses on the journey 
out of Egypt, unless perhaps his mother or his grandmother had 
relations with a nigger." 


In 1863 Lassalle announced the founding of the "General German 
Workers' Association". He called it a "party". He was hailed 
everywhere as the king of the proletariat. He traveled through- 
out Germany preaching Marxism. He had organized the first 
socialist working-class party in the world. 

Bismarck declared war on Denmark in 1864. Marx received 
rumors in London that the royalist Bismarck was in contact with 
Lassalle. William Liebknecht was requested to stay in Berlin 
and spy on Lassalle, which he did, reporting to Marx faithfully. 
Liebknecht has become "our governor-general in Germany" said 
Marx with satisfaction. In order to more carefully protect Marx's 
rights in Lassalle's communist activities, Liebknecht joined the 
Workers' Association. 

When news came of Lassalle's death, Marx heaved a sigh of 
relief and relented. "Lassalle's fate has given me pause," he wrote 
Engels. "He was after all one of the old guard and an enemy of 
our enemies. It is hard to believe that such a noisy, restless, 
pushing fellow is as dead as a doornail, and from now on has to 
keep his mouth shut forever." He wrote a warm tribute to Las- 
salle, and tried to succeed him as the head of the Workers' Asso- 
ciation. Being unsuccessful in this effort, he turned his attention 
to the First International as the surest means to world revolution. 

In 1864 the International made its first public appearance. It 
dispatched a letter of congratulations to Abraham Lincoln on his 
reelection to the office of President of the United States. The 
message was acknowledged. "The difference between Lincoln's 
answer to us," Marx informed Engels, "and to the bourgeois had 
made such a stir here, that the clubs in the West End simply do 
not know what to make of it." 

Odgers, leader of the shoemaker's union in London was the 
president of the First International from its inception. 

William Liebknecht was Marx's life-long friend and disciple. 
Of the eight people who stood at Marx's grave in the cemetery at 
Highgate, one was Liebknecht, who had traveled from Germany 
to pay the man of hate this last honor. Like the majority of 
communist leaders Liebknecht did not belong to the proletariat. 
He had a university education. He became a revolutionary in 
Paris in 1848. He was a fugitive from Germany until 1862, spend- 
ing the intervening years in Switzerland and England. His long 


intercourse with Marx hardened his communist orthodoxy. He 
became one of communisms most effective polemicists. He con- 
verted August Bebel, the Saxon woodturner, to Marxism. When 
Schweitzer fell heir to Lassalle's Workers' Association, Liebknecht 
and Bebel, heading up Marx's wing of the International, led the 
fight against it. It was Liebknecht and Bebel who organized the 
Democratic Workingmen's Party at Eisenach in 1869. In spite 
of all that Marx and his faithful disciples might do, Lassalle's 
party gained ground. In 1875 the two parties merged at Gotha. 
Liebknecht's party had nine thousand members, and Lassalle's 
had fifteen thousand. Communism had grown in Germany. The 
meeting at Gotha adopted the first program of the United German 
Social Democracy. Although Marx and Engels were ignored, the 
economics of the program were thoroughly Marxian in theory, 
and only slightly influenced by the teachings of Lassalle and 
Schultze-Delitsch in practice. The political part of the program 
included the demands of the Democratic Workingmen's Party 
adopted at Eisenach in 1869. 


Paul Singer, a German Jewish clothing manufacturer, became 
a member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. He was 
elected a member of the Reichstag in 1884 and became associated 
with Liebknecht and Bebel. 

The deep fatalism of Marxism is clearly manifest in Liebknecht's 
speech on the floor of the Reichstag, April 2, 1886. "I will tell 
you this," he cried. "We do not appeal to you for sympathy. The 
result is all the same to us, for we shall win in one way or 
another. Do your worst, for it will be only to our advantage, and 
the more madly you carry on the sooner you will come to an 
end. The pitcher goes to the well until it breaks." 

In July, 1886, nine socialist leaders, including Bebel, Dietz, Von 

Vollmar, Auer, Frome and Viereck, went on trial at Freiburg, 

charged with participation in an illegal organization. They were 

found guilty and sentenced to imprisonment for terms varying 

from six to nine months. 


Marx's ponderous and almost unreadable Das Kapital at last 
made its appearance in 1859, the year in which Darwin's Origin 
and his followers, the English Chartists, Proudhon in France, and 
of Species was published. Adam Smith, Ricardo, Robert Owens 
Rodbertus in Germany, had all previously developed the theory 
of "surplus value". Marx, having stolen the basic ideas of the 
Utopians, "turned Hegel on his head," purloined his "dialectics", 
usurped the "materialistic" ideas of Feuerbech, filched the extant 
"surplus value" theories, stirred the mess vigorously while cursing 
the assorted authors of the brew, and served up the unsavory 
result as "Marxian scientific socialism". 


What he tried to say may be roughly summed up as follows: 

(1) Labor gives value to all economic goods. The laboring 
class is the producing class, but it is deprived of its just share 
of the products of its labor by the capitalist class, which appro- 
priates "surplus value". 

(2) This is possible because of the capitalist method of produc- 
tion; private capital controlling both the processes of production 
and distribution. 

(3) Private caitalism is the result of a long and laborious process 
of evolution, precipitated suddenly by the industrial revolution. 

(4) The industrial age is characterized by anarchy in distribu- 
tion, private production, gradual disappearance of the middle-class, 
development of a two-class system, and the rich growing richer 
and the poor growing poorer. 

(5) The industrial age cannot long continue, because monopoly 
capital merging production, will narrow the opportunities of em- 
ployment. It will then soon become so powerful as to be unendur- 
able. Then society — the other class, the starving proletariat — will 
appropriate private capital and the means of production, and there- 
after all production and distribution will be socialized. 

Karl Menger, the Austrian economist, was probably the first to 
demolish Marx's theory of "surplus value". It is now considered 
thoroughly discredited. His "materialistic" conception of history 
may be easily refuted by any bright school boy who missed in- 
doctrination through "progressive" education. It must be remem- 
bered that this "materialistic" concept of history is the very 
heart of Marxism. Shorn of the validity of the "surplus value" 
theory, the economic side of Marxism collapses completely. The 
answer is within reach of any reasonably intelligent person. If 
observation does not report an ever decreasing number of capital- 
ists and an ever increasing number of poverty-stricken workers, 
then "surplus value" disintegrates in a puff of smoke. Since the 
publication of 'Das Kapital", the number of capitalists and middle- 
class well-to-do have increased at an incredible rate, while the 
poorest paid proletarian in the United States lives better than 
Marx ever lived on Engel's money. 

Marx left more than the "Communist Manifesto" and "Das Kapi- 
tal" to his followers. He left a bitter invectiveness, flaming hatred, 
and a will to violence that never before was transmitted so suc- 
cessfully to posterity. He infused his philosophy with the driving 
vitality of fatalism. The faceless proletarian he created was in 
his own image; a composite of two thousand years of Marxian 
rabbis. The fiery life he breathed into his tortured creation per- 
meated its every fiber with a burning desire to die on the barri- 


Capitalism will be its own grave-digger, and there will be no 
need for shovels in the socialist future! Just this and nothing 
more! The "materialistic" interpretation of history — perhaps 
history itself — must end when capitalism has finished digging its 
own grave. And even Marx's fine system of dialectics must fall 
to the ground in his brave new socialist world. Never again will 
it be necessary to search for an anti-thesis because communism 
will be the last and final synthesis. One might as logically reason 
that the law of gravity ceases when the apple hits the ground. 

Marx left no program except war and revolution. The "brother- 
hood" he founded was mothered by Envy and fathered by Hate. 
Because he believed he had destroyed God, he would play God 
himself, and Lassalle would be his prophet. Because he failed 
to leave directions for the road to the Worker's Paradise, his fol- 
lowers in a hundred sects were free to chart their own course. 
Between the wars with the "capitalists" the "comrades" might 
cut each other's throats just to keep in practice, but they would 
ultimately fight shoulder to shoulder on the barricades against 
the common enemy. 


Meanwhile socialism spread throughout the world. In June 
of 1881 Henry Mayers Hyndman (1842-1921) published England for 
All. Although he did not mention his name, Hyndman's book 
was predicated on Marx's main ideas on the relationships of capital 
and labor. Marx's reputation in England was not very good and 
Hyndman was fearful that the mention of his name might "preju- 
dice" Englishmen against the theories his book expounded. He 
did, however, state in the preface that "much of the matter con- 
tained in chapters two and three" was the work "of a great thinker 
and original writer" whose works, he hoped, would soon be ac- 
cessible to the majority of Englishmen. Thus, for the first time, 
Marxism was introduced into the minds of men by means of the 
psychological Trojan Horse. 

Simultaneously with the publication of his book, Hyndman 
founded the parent organization of the Social Democratic Federa- 
tion, which, in 1911, became the British Socialist Party, with Hynd- 
man as chairman. The Federation, in its early days, included, 
besides Hyndman, William Morris, the poet; Ernest Belfort Bax; 
Eleanor Marx, daughter of Karl; Walter Crane, the artist; Henry 
H. Champion; Harry Quelch, editor of the Federation's paper, 
Justice; and Helen Taylor, step-daughter of John Stuart Mill.. 

At the time of World War I, the British Socialist Party was 
badly disrupted, and many of its member became open com- 
munists. Hyndman reorganized its remnants under the party's 
original name, the Social Democratic Federation, in 1920. Hynd- 
man is very important in the development of socialism in England. 
His later works brought the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lassalle, 


and other revolutionary writers to the attention of the English 

speaking world. (His organization made a Marxist out of Bernard 

Shaw, who went into Fabianism and became a creator of the 

Labour Party.) 


Karl Johann Rodbertus (1805-1875) and Charles Brook Dupont- 
White (1807-1878) (the last named a Frenchman), are recognized 
as the precursors of what was to become known as "Socialism of 
the Chair". Adolph Wagner, of Berlin, became the "scientific" 
leader of this school of socialism. Gustave Schmoller, Brentano, 
Adolph Held, Schaeffle, and other scholars from German Univer- 
sities were members. In 1871 Herr Offenheim, in the National 
Zeitung referred to some of these professors as "Katheder Sozial- 
isten" ("socialists of the chair"). This name was accepted by 
Professor Schmoller in his opening address at a gathering in 
Eisenach in 1872. A considerable movement was thus launched 
in Germany which led to the formation of the Union for Social 

"Socialism of the Chair" is unquestionably the school that Frank- 
lin Roosevelt's "Brain Trust" attempted to emulate, both in phil- 
osophy and method. The professors of the "chair" — like the 
"Brain-Trusters" — saw the state, in spite of itself, moving toward 
socialism. As government seeks to regulate private business, it 
necessarily gradually absorbs it, so that, in the end, there is only 
state business. As a matter of practical politics the members of 
the school of "Socialism of the Chair" — like Roosevelt's "Brain- 
Trust" — opposed violent or sudden change, and looked forward to 
a slow, but certain, evolution toward improved conditions. "We 
preach," said Schmoller, "neither the upsetting of science nor 
the overthrow of the existing social order and we protest against 
all socialistic experiments . . ." 

Schmoller, Wagner, and the others exerted great influence on 
Bismarck, who adopted much of their program. In putting many 
of their proposals into law Bismarck believed that he was under- 
mining the social democratic movement, and thereby strengthening 
the state — the first great fallacy in combatting Marxism. The 
social legislation of the seventies and eighties in Germany was 
the result of the influence of the "Chair" on the Iron Chancellor. 
From this development came the idea of "state socialism". Like 
the Christians, who sought to strengthen Christianity by adopting 
socialism, Bismarck sought to strengthen Germany by adopting 
Marxism. Both the Christians and Bismarck hoped to weaken the 
Jewish revolutionary movement and both ended by weakening 
Christianity and free governments. 

Marx died in London in March of 1883. A few months later a 


small group of people met in a bare room somewhere in Chelsea. 
London, to listen to an American, Thomas Davidson, expound his 
ideas of "Fellowship of a New Life". Out of this meeting came 
the English Fabian Society, organized on January 4, 1884 — -just 
thirty-six years after the publication of the "Communist Mani- 
festo". Although the immediately expected revolution predicted 
by Engels in 1844 had not materialized, and British industry had 
expanded into a world monopoly, the Fabians were not to be dis- 
couraged. They adapted themselves to the bettered conditions 
when immediate hope of revolution had dimmed, but consoled 
themselves with the pious belief that it must come eventually. In 
time they came to believe that the transition from capitalism to 
socialism was a gradual process, accelerated at times by wars and 
insurrections. Pursuant to this reasoning, they adopted the fol- 
lowing: "For the right moment you must wait, as Fabius did, most 
patiently, when warring against Hannibal, though many censured 
his delays; but when the times comes you must strike hard, as 
Fabius did, or your waiting will be in vain and fruitless." The 
Fabians thus embarked on a "waiting policy", prepared to strike 
hard when the enemy — the government — was weak. They were a 
little confused on their history, as one of their members, H. G. 
Wells, pointed out. The Roman General, Fabius, never did strike 
hard. Wells might have added — and probably did — that Fabius 
just wore Hannibal out, by never engaging him in a pitched battle 
that he knew he could not possibly win. 

In 1887 the Fabian Society adopted a set of principles, which, 
with but few modifications, are in effect today. They declared 
that the Society consists of socialists; works for the abolition of 
private property in land, and aims at the reorganization of society. 

Bernard Shaw became a Fabian in September of 1884. With 
characterisctic pompous vanity, he later wrote in the minutes of the 
first meeting he attended in May of that year: "This meeting was 
made memorable by the first appearance of Bernard Shaw." Sidney 
Webb and Sidney Oliver joined the Fabians in 1885. Other mem- 
bers were Graham Wallas, Annie Besant, Hubert Bland, H. W. 
Massingham, Edward R. Pease, H. H. Champion, Percival Chubb, 
William Clarke, H. G. Wells, Beatrice Potter Webb, Ramsey Mac- 
Donald, Pethick-Lawrence, Sir Leo Chiozzo-Money, Keir Hardie, 
G. D. H. Cole, and many others. 

The Fabian Society allegedly never had a president and no person 
or group of persons have ever admitted that he or they acted 
as its official spokesman. Some seven essays or lectures by Ber- 
nard Shaw, Sidney Webb, William Clarke, Sidney Oliver, Graham 
Wallas and Annie Besant are believed to express the Society's 


On February 26, 1871, the preliminary Peace of Versailles was 
signed. Thiers, Jules Favre, and Alfonse Rothschild had concluded 
the financial negotiations, and had accepted Bismarck's conditions 
for the surrender of Alsace-Lorraine and the payment of five 
billion francs. Alfonse Rothschild guaranteed, jointly with the 
other bankers, the financial operations. 

On March 11, the Emperor William and the German general 
staff left Versailles. As soon as the German troops had evacuated 
the southern forts, the National Assembly moved from Bor- 
deaux to Versailles, where it first convened on March 20, 1871. 

The Social-Democrats — the Parisian communists — had allied 
themselves with Marx's International Workingmen's Association, 
founded in 1864. The revolutionary organization was generally 
referred to as the International, and, after the creation of subse- 
quent Internationals,, it became known as the "First". Its first 
congress was held in 1866 in Geneva, Switzerland. Its basic pur- 
pose was the unification of the workers of all lands for the pur- 
poses set forth in the "Communist Manifesto". The most effective 
result of the work of the First International was the spreading of 
communistic doctrines among the workingmen of the world. The 
last congress of the First International was held at Philadelphia 
in 1874. 

The International, of course, was dominated by the Jews. In 
addition to Marx, who also acted as secretary for Germany and 
Russia, there was James Cohen, the secretary for Denmark. Neu- 
mayer was the secretary of the office of correspondence for Austria. 
Fribourg was one of the directors of the Paris Federation of the 
International, of which Loeb, Lazare and Armand Levi were mem- 
bers. Leon Frankel headed the German division at Paris. Many 
of the Jews affiliated with the International were to play leading 
roles in the bloody Commune. 

The National Guard of Paris, was composed of left-wing ele- 
ments and under the domination of the communists. Under guise 
of rescuing them from the German troops, the National Guard 
carried off twenty-seven cannon. After the departure of the 
Germans they took many more cannon — 417 in all — and planted 
them on Montmarte. Louis Adolphe Thiers, the new premier, 
ordered General Vinoy to seize the cannon and crush the Guard. 
Vinoys soldiers revolted and went over to the communists. 

A "Central Committee" of the National Guard was set up, and 
an election of a commune was called on March 26th. A heavy 
"red republican" and socialist majority was the result. On April 
2nd Thiers bombarded Paris. A communard counter-attack the 
next day was repulsed. The civil war continued until Thier's 
troops took Fort Issy and Fort Vanves, and finally breached the 
wall at Porte Maillot and Auteuil on April 22nd. Some of the 


members of the Commune fled. Another group massacred sixty 
seven hostages in its hands, and held out against Thiers until 
the capture of Fort Vincennes on May 29th 

The Paris Commune was the first communist government in 
Europe. All Church property was confiscated; the Churches were 
plundered. Advances of several millions of francs were secured 
from the banks and wealthy individuals still in Paris. The Arch- 
bishop of Darboy and a number of priests, together with other 
prominent persons, were arrested by the Commune and sent to 
Mazas, as security for the safety of the National Guards captured 
by Thiers' Versailles troops. The Archbishop and the other pris- 
oners were ultimately shot. On May 20th the Commune resolved 
to drench all public buildings and whole districts of the city with 
petroleum and set them on fire. The Tuileries, Palais-Royal, Min- 
istry of Finance, Ministry of Justice, police headquarters, the City 
Hall, theatres and whole districts were burned. 

Alfonse Rothschild, of course, withdrew with the government to 
Versailles, and took a room in the Hotel des Reservoirs, where he 
lived through the terrors of the revolution. Throughout the fight- 
ing, looting and burning, the Rothschild house and its priceless 
possessions remained untouched. As always before, the House of 
Rothschild emerged from the hazards of the war of 1870-1871 and 
the Paris Commune, financially unshaken and still the undisputed 
masters of Europe. Again they were capable of switching their 
allegiance from the monarchy and bestowing it with equal devotion 
on the Third Republic. 

Alfonse Rothschild, who was James' eldest son, died on May 26 

1905. His son, Eduard, succeeded him as the head of the French 

bank. Alfonse's brother, Edmund, was to be distinguished by his 

zealous Zionism, and his support of the Jewish colony in Palestine. 

Marx was enthusiastic over the bloodshed in Paris. The Com- 
munards were "our heroic Parisian party comrades", and the Paris 
Commune was "intellectually a child of the International". He 
accepted the moral responsibility for the Commune, to the disgust 
and indignation of the world. "If only the Commune had listened 
to my warnings!" Marx lamented to Professor Beesly, insinuating 
that he was a military expert as well as the infallible "dictator of 
the proletariat". 

The final days of fighting, when the hostages, including the 
Archbishop of Paris, had been shot down in cold blood by the 
Communards, shocked decent people everywhere. Archbishop Afire 
had been killed between the lines in the June fighting and Paris 
had been set on fire. Marx was exultant, and though his "fame" 
spread everywhere as the "monster" who had let loose the mur- 
derous cut-throats of Paris, he strutted like a peacock before the 


members of the International in London. He launched Into an 
eulogy of the "immortal heroes" of the Paris barricades. "When 
the Paris Commune took the management of the revolution into 
ist own hands," he declared, "when plain workingmen for the first 
time dared to infringe upon the governmental privilege of their 
'natural superiors' . . . the old world writhed in convulsions of 
rage at the sight of the red flag, the symbol of the republic of 
labor, floating over the Hotel de Ville." 

Georges Clemenceau, leader of the "bourgeois leftists", came into 
prominence at the close of the Franco-German War. He was joined 
by the socialist "leftists" — including sections of Marx's Inter- 
national in opposition to the "Capitulards" (the Versaille govern- 
ment under Thiers). He was to dominate the Peace Conference 
at Versaille at the end of World War I in 1919. 



DUBNOW, the Jewish historian, declares that the doctrine of 
socialism grew with the nationalistic ideology of Zionism — 
"on a parallel line" — thus expressing what every careful student 
of the subject must necessarily conclude. Moses Hess, the "com- 
munist rabbi", and the Zionism of the Jewish Socialist Bund, is 
ample proof of this fact. Both philosophies are Jewish in origin 
and development. The Jewish intellectual leadership of the world's 
revolutionary movements has always been particularly character- 
ized by its emphasis on Jewish nationalism and its exclusiveness, 
as distinguished from its attitude toward the internationalism of 
the Gentile "comrades". Internationalism, of course, is the ulti- 
mate goal of Marxism, and while this world objective is preached 
and practiced by its Jewish leadership, it is quite clear that the 
contemplated destruction of Christian and Gentile nations must 
leave the Jewish nation intact and separate. While this Jewish 
policy has split the communist movement ideologically on a number 
of occasions — particularly in Russia — both the supporters and the 
opponents of Zionism are united on basic Marxian doctrines and 
the necessity for international agitation and revolt. 

At first glance, it would appear that this dual Jewish objective 
— an international leveling process for the ultimate consolidation 
of all non-Jewish nations into a single communist World Govern- 
ment, and the preservation of the Jewish nation as the dominant 
world power — might create a powerful trap from which the Jews, 
in a final struggle, would be unable to extricate themselves. Jewish 
tacticians, however, have no fear of this possibility. The "indes- 
tructibility" of the Jewish nation, its amazing elasticity in adapting 
itself to new conditions, and the ingenious "know how" in dom- 
inating governments, removes any fear of being entrapped in its 
contemplated World Communist Government. Two thousand years 
under emperors, monarchies, republics, tyranny and benevolence, 
have steeled the Jews in their will to survive as Jews, and to 
fulfill their exalted destiny. To their age-old techniques of bribery, 
revolt and flattery, they have added the modern devices of propa- 
ganda, brain-washing, and mass hypnotism. With their ancient 
seat of power restored in Palestine and an incipient World Gov- 
ernment in the making, they believe that the star of their destiny 
is rising. The power of their purse is, indeed, terrible, and the 
forces of their revolutionary proletarians most formidable. If the 
free people of the world do not willingly submit to their world 
empire, then it may be necessary to unleash a third world war 



with its atomic and hydrogen arguments. The very dual char- 
acter of their drive for world conquest is the basic secret of their 
escape from the world trap they are building. From the outset 
they have declared "this is not for us. We are a separate nation. 
We will remain so. We have given you communism; destroy 
yourself! The law will go out of Zion." 

Hess' "Borne and Jerusalem", not only laid down the "historic 
and economic" basis of what would be known as "Zionism", but 
outlined a complete Trojan Horse plan for the Jewish invasion 
of Palestine. In "diplomatic" language the plan is called "colon- 
ization". In practical warfare it is a "time bomb". It contem- 
plated a gradual Jewish occupation of the land of the Arabs; 
migration of Jews from the lands of their birth to the Holy Land 
lor the ultimate purpose of driving the Arabs out of their homes. 
These proposals found enthusiastic response among the Khazar 
Jews of Russia. 

The Cabalistic activities of the small Jewish settlements at Safed 
and Tiberias attracted the Cabalistic Jews of Russia and Galacia. 
Some few migrated to Jerusalem, but most of them were attracted 
to the two cities of Galilee. Their numbers in Palestine were neg- 
ligible at the beginning of the "colonization" period. Sir Moses 
Monteflore, Adolph Cremieux and Soloman Munk, who had jour- 
neyed to see Mohammed Ali on behalf of the Jews who had con- 
fessed to murdering Father Thomas, became interested in the 
plight of the Jews in Syria. After the massacre of the Maronite 
Christians in 1860, Adolph Cremieux, together with other prom- 
inent Jews, founded the Alliance Israelite Universelle (Alliance of 
International Jews), which had as its chief objective the defense 
of Jews in any part of the world. "All other important faiths are 
represented in the world by nations," declared the founders, "that 
is to say, they are incarnated in governments especially interested 
in them and officially authorized to represent them and speak for 
them alone. Our faith alone lacks this important advantage; it 
is represented neither by a state nor by a society, nor does it occupy 
a clearly defined territory." Hence, the Alliance's proposed drive 
for world power was disguised as protection of Jewish "faith". 

The purpose of the international Jews to surreptitiously capture 
Palestine and dispossess the Arabs is ill-disguised in a letter writ- 
ten by Charles Netter to the Central Committee of the Alliance at 
Paris: "You are preparing an asylum for whole populations," he 
advised, "who perhaps tomorrow will be forced to flee en masse 
because of the fanaticism of the Greek victorious over the cres- 
cent. . . . You will accomplish the pacific conquest of this sacred 
land — neither Orthodox nor Reformed has forgotten it — the Su- 
preme Being was invoked by our fathers, while the rest of the 
world was plunged in paganism. ... In this wise you will gain 


the Holy Land. The magnitude of the task need not frighten you, 
That which appears to be a revery today may tomorrow become 
a reality." 

Neo-Messianism was aborning. What had heretofore been ex- 
pected by way of the powers of a miraculous Messiah was now to 
be accomplished by Israel itself! In "Emunah Yesharath" (1860), 
Rabbi Hirsch Kalischer declared that new interpretations must be 
given the old ideas, and that the Messianic idea can become a 
fact only in the slow processes of historic events. His work 
marked a complete break with the past, and called for positive 
action. Hess, emphasizing the social and economic, and Kalischer 
emphasizing the religious, created the zeal that galvanized Russian 
Jewry into action. 

With the birth of Neo-Messianism came an enthusiastic interest 
in the Hebrew language, now dead these many years. Behind 
the sudden interest was the fine hand of the Jewish psychologist. 
Language is a prime requisite to national development. Outside 
of the synagogue Hebrew was practically unknown. The Khazars 
of Russia and Poland spoke the strange admixture of languages 
called 'Yiddish", the Jews elsewhere spoke the languages of their 
adopted countries. If one is to have a nation, one must have a 
language. So it was that the study of Hebrew, particularly among 
the young, became an important adjunct to Zionism. Societies 
were established everywhere, text-books were written, and Jewry 
turned to the study of the ancient language with vigor and en- 
thusiasm. In Palestine, where the "colonizing" Jews spoke the 
languages of their birth, Hebrew lived again as a common lan- 

The cruel, cold-blooded murder of Czar Alexander II on March 1, 
1881, created an intense Russian resentment against the Jews. 
Goldenberg's confession had verified — if verification had been nec- 
essary — the wide-spread Jewish determination to destroy all con- 
stituted authority. It was estimated that not less than twenty 
percent of the terrorists were Jews. The government's attempts 
to cope with the assassinations and bombings were further aggrav- 
ated by Jewish riots in Kiev and elsewhere. The exodus from 
Russia and Poland to the United States had actually started in 
1880, but a number of Russian Jews also migrated to Palestine. 
World Jewry condemned Russia's efforts against the subversive 
Jews as "anti-Semitism", and distorted the government's measures 
against them into "atrocity", propaganda to step up the "colon- 
ization" plan in Palestine. 

Alexander III never fully recovered from the horror of his 
father's assassination, and the impression of that terrible day in 
1881 haunted him for the remainder of his life. He was inclined 


to follow his father's liberal policy and to carry out many of the 
reforms he had contemplated. Russia's long and unsuccessful 
efforts to deal with its unassimilable Jews were uppermost in the 
new Emperor's mind. Every idea of conciliation was necessarily 
associated with the subversive movements that brought terror into 
the life of Russian officials. The overwhelming number of Jews 
involved in murders and other crimes was appalling. The Jewish 
problem was inseparable from the revolutionary problem. Des- 
perate times called for desperate measures, and the so-called "May 
laws" were adopted. The Jews were forbidden to settle outside 
the towns and villages, even within the territories which they were 
permitted to inhabit. In 1887 the city of Rostov-on-Don was ex- 
cluded from the Pale of Settlement. In 1891 seventeen thousand 
Jews were deported from Moscow: Jewish quotas were established 
in governmental institutions and, with a few exceptions, Jews were 
excluded from governmental service. Russia was determined to 
"Russianize" its Jews or drive them from the country. 

The history of the Jews discloses a singular fact that repeats 
itself with amazing regularity throughout the centuries. We read 
time and time again of thousands of Jews being deported from 
Alexandria and other places, only to read a little later that the 
place is teeming with Jews. Hence, without explanation, when 
we return to Moscow the town will be populated with more Jews 
than before. 

Leo Pinsker came to the conclusion that the destruction of 
Jerusalem had deprived the Jews of a seat of government, and 
that they needed its restoration so that they might deal with the 
Gentiles as an established nation. He therefore called for self- 
emancipation. His book, "Autoemancipation", (he believed), was 
the answer to "anti-Semitism". Pinsker's ideas found expression 
in the Zionist Congress, the Jewish Colonial Trust, and the National 

Moses Lob Lilienblum, born in 1843 at Kovno, had been active 
in the Haskalah movement, and he had been deeply engrossed in 
the materialistic philosophies that had swept across Europe into 
Russia. The vigorous counter-attack of Alexander III against the 
Jewish revolutionaries convinced him that a firmly established 
base of operations was essential if the Jews were to survive 
their attacks on Christianity. He supported the proposal of Haym 
Gedaliah to buy Palestine from the Sultan, and threw himself 
wholeheartedly into the "Hibbat Zion" ("Love of Zion") move- 
ment. He became the secretary of Pinsker's new society, inspired 
by "Autoemancipation". He wrote "Return of the Exiles". He was 
not much impressed with the exodus en masse of the Jews for 
America. He came to the conclusion that such immigration would 
merely create a Jewish question in the United States. From this 


train of thought came his book "Rebirth of the Jewish People in 
the Holy Land of Their Ancestors" (1883). 

Dr. Isaac Rulf, of Memel, followed in the footsteps of Pinsker. 
His book, "Arukat Bat Ammi" ("The Healing of My People"), 
carried the Khazar Jewish philosophy of Zionism to European 
Jewry. Yishub Erez Yisrael (the Resettlement of the Land of 
Israel) gripped the Orthodox Jews of Frankfort-on-the-Main and 
Berlin, rearousing the ancient dream of the Messiah and the 
promises of the Covenant. 

Asher Ginzberg (who wrote under the name of Ahad ha-Am), 
brought vitality to Chovevi Zion. In "Derek ha- Hayyim" ("The 
Way of Life") he emphasized Israel's "mission" and the preparation 
that was necessary to its attainment. He proposed a sort of 
"central committee" or society, that was to be "untrammeled in 
its activities" and selected for its "quality" rather than its num- 
bers. He was calling for "leaders"; a sort of general staff — to 
lead the Israelites back to the promised land. "Lishkot", or lodges 
were organized in many Russian cities, and the society took the 
significant name of "Bene Mosheh" ("Sons of Moses"). Out of 
these efforts came the Rehobot colony in Palestine, the Carmel 
Wine Company, the publication society Ahiasof, and the Hebrew 
magazine, Ha-Shiloah. In 1874 a first attempt was made to estab- 
lish a Jewish agricultural colony in Palestine. In 1882 Jewish 
immigrants from Russia and Romania settled at Rishon Le-Ziyyon 
and Wadi el-Hanin in Judea, Rosh Pinnah in Galilee, and Zikron 
Yaakob in Samaria. 

It is said that Baron Edmund de Rothschild spent between sixty 
and seventy million francs in financing early colonization of the 
Jews in Palestine. In 1899 he made a gift to the Palestinian Jews 
of whatever interest he still retained in the Jewish Colonization 
Association. In 1907 the "colonies" were surrendered to the colon- 
ists together with the burdens of self-government. 

Theodor Herzl wrote the "Judenstaat" ("Jewish State") in Paris 
in 1895. Although this work was to give Zionism its real impetus, 
the doctrines set forth were not new. It incorporates the basic 
ideas of Jewish writers from Hess to Asher Ginsberg. The society 
Kadimah in Vienna, founded by Nathan Birnbaum in the eighties 
had long been imbued with Jewish nationalism and Neo-Messian- 
ism. This society immediately supported Herzl's views and pro- 
posed a "Society of Jews" to carry on the plan set forth in "Juden- 
staat". The English Jew, Israel Zangwill, became interested in 
Herzl's ideas, and arranged for Herzl to address the Maccabaeans 
in London. Herzl accepted and made the address July 6, 1896. 
The first edition of "Judenstaat" appeared in Vienna the same year. 

In May of 1896, a secret emissary of the Turkish Sultan, the 
Chevalier de Newlinsky, was sent to Herzl with the offer of a 


charter for Palestine in return for the ending of the European 

press campaign against the Sultan because of the Armenian 



The Jewish Encyclopedia states that socialism in Russia "became 
a movement of the Jewish masses." The Jewish labor movement 
developed in stride with both Zionism and communism. The 
first Jewish labor organizations came into existence in the eighties 
in Lithuania — in Vilna, and other cities, and, as there were no 
labor association in Russia or Poland, the Lithuanian movement 
appears to be the first. Its recruits came from Jewish working- 
men engaged in handicrafts. In the nineties the movement spread 
to the manufacturing centers of Lithuania and Poland — Bialystok, 
Smorgen, Warsaw and Lodz. The first strikes for fewer hours, 
wage increases, and working conditions followed. Jewish intel- 
lectuals, many of whom had received university educations abroad, 
and had been attracted to revolutionary doctrines, guided the labor 
movement along the lines of European social "democracy" as 
established by Marx and Lassalle, thus creating the ideological 
background for the Russian revolutionary movement. 

Two important Jewish organizations were created in 1897. One 
was the Jewish Socialist Bund or Jewish Labor Federation of 
Lithuania and Poland {Judischer Arbeiter-Bund von Littauen und 
Polen), and the other was the World Zionist Organization. The 
first organized for the destruction of all Christian governments, 
and the second organized for the conquest of Palestine and the 

The First Zionist Congress was held in August, 1897, in Basel, 
Switzerland. The Congress declared: "The object of Zionism is 
to establish for the Jewish people a publicly and legally assured 
home in Palestine". This terse statement asked no favors; offered 
no petition to the Palestinian Arabs; begged leave of no one! 
It made the demand as a matter of right! Moreover, it demanded 
that the world recognize and legalize that right. At the outset 
the movement was political, but its claim to Palestine was rooted 
in Jewry's Neo-Messianism, which is the essence of Judaism. The 
underlying purpose of the Zionists became more and more ap- 
parent as alternative offers from sympathetic Christian govern- 
ments for a "home" in other parts of the world were spurned. 
Nowhere but Palestine! Nothing less than Zionl 

A Jewish settlement in El-Arish, a strip of territory south of 
Palestine under Anglo-Egyptian administration, was certainly avail- 
able, but it was refused. The Portugese Republican government 
offered a tract of land in Angola in 1912. The British government 
offered land in East Africa, but the Zionists were not interested. 
Only Palestine was Zionism! 


Behind the ideas of Moses Hess, Leo Pinsker and Theodore Herzl 
was the Covenant, a deep, ingrained sense of race superiority, 
and the ultimate destiny of the Sons of Abraham. The propaganda, 
for Gentile consumption, did not deceive the Zionists. Had they 
been sincere in a desire for a "home", anyone of the proposed 
lands would have sufficed. The refusal of these offers reveals the 
Neo-Messianism behind the movement. 


On the partition of the Roman Empire in A. D. 395, Palestine 
fell to the Empire of the East. For more than 200 years thereafter 
the country enjoyed a pastoral peace. The restless, intriguing Jew 
was gone, and a quiet serenity lay over the ancient land. Chris- 
tians from all over Europe made difficult pilgrimages to worship 
at the sacred places where the Savior had walked, healed the sick 
and taught the way to salvation for all mankind. Palestine was 
then part of Syria. 

In A. D. 611 the peace of the Holy Land was broken by the 
thunder of war, as the armies of Chosroes II, King of Persia 
joined by the Jews, invaded Syria. They swept over the country 
like devouring locusts, plundering and destroying everything in their 
path. Jerusalem was taken. The Church of the Holy Sepulcher 
was razed to the ground, and its treasures carried off in triumph. 
Not a church or a cross was left standing in the land. 

The Emperor Heraclius reconquered the lost territory in 62% 
returning it to the Byzantine Empire. 

Abu Bekr, who succeeded Mohammed, gathering the tribes of 
Arabia, carried the crescent into the fertile province of Syria. 
Heraclius was defeated in his very first engagement with Abu 
Bekr. Bostra fell and the Moslems marched on Damascus. Abu 
Bekr died before the siege of the city, but it fell to his successor, 
Omar, seventy days later (A. D. 634). Caesarea, Sebusteh (Sam- 
aria), Nablus (Schechem), Lydda and Jaffa fell under the on- 
slaught of the Mohammedans. Meanwhile Heraclius gathered a 
new army and again marched against the Arabs (636). At the 
Yarmuk River, battle was joined and Heraclius' army was utterly 
defeated. Omar marched on Jerusalem, which capitulated after 
a feeble resistance. 

The Crusades! Then the Mongolians of Central Asia! The Chris- 
tians and the Moslems of Syria united to hold back the common 
enemy — overwhelmed and defeated! Palestine under the Mameluke 
sultans of Egypt. The invasion of the Tatar tribes — and finally 
the Turks! Sultan Selim the Grim wrested the land from Egypt... 

This is the land the Jews claim as their own! Four thousand 
years ago Jehovah said: "Unto thy seed will I give this land . . ." 
And Jewry contends that Jehovah promised that the Jews would 
return to Palestine, and that this promise will be fufilled because 
of its divine origin. The Jews well know that this prophecy was 


fulfilled over two thousand years ago! Only the Christians seem 
to have forgotten it. 

Alfred Guillaume, Professor of Old Testament Studies at the 
University of London, writing in his treatise, "Zionists and the 
Bible", demolished the Jewish claim to a second return to Pales- 
tine. Writes the Professor: 

"... such views are a distortion of Old Testament prophesies 
which predicted a return from Babylon and from all the lands 
whither the Jews had been exiled. The Jews did return to 
Judea, they did rebuild the walls of Jerusalem, and they did 
rebuild the temple; and after fluctuating they did secure a 
brief period of political independence and expansion under the 
Maccabees. Thus the prophecies of the Return have been ful- 
filled, and they cannot be fulfilled again. Within the can- 
onical literature of the Old Testament there is no Prophecy 
of a second return from the Babylonian Exile." 
No Christian may possibly accept the Jewish claim to the Holy 

Land without repudiating the basic theme of Christianity. St. 

Paul in Galatians, 3:24-29 makes this point crystal clear: 
"Wherefore the law was our schoolmaster to bring us unto 
Christ, that we might be justified by faith. But after that faith 
is come, we are no longer under a schoolmaster. For ye are 
all the children of God by faith in Christ Jesus. For as many 
of you as have been baptized into Christ have put on Christ, 
There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free, 
there is neither male nor female; for ye are all one in Christ 
Jesus. And if ye be Christ's, then are ye Abraham's seed, and 
heirs according to the promise." 

The Jewish Socialist Bund soon became the strongest and best 
organized body of the socialist movement in Russia. From its 
first congress in Vilna, in September, 1897 (just one month after 
the First Zionist Congress), it spread into the heavily Jewish 
populated centers. The Bund, of course, was strictly Jewish. As 
its members extended their socialist activities into the revolutionary 
political movements they passed as Russians. The Jewish Socialist 
Bund differed greatly from similar organizations in France and 
Germany in one important aspect. Whereas Lassalle and the 
others had played down the nationality aspect of their movements 
in the emphasis on the international character of communism, the 
Jewish Socialist Bund echoed the Zionists and proclaimed that the 
Jews were a distinct nationality. This difference was to play an 
important role in the development of the radical revolutionary 
movement in Russia and elsewhere. 

The Russian units of the Bund were actually secret societies, 
appealing to the members of the Nihilist and other terroristic 
groups. In 1898 the Bund organized the Russian Socialist Demo- 
cratic Party, which recruited left-wing Russians, and thus intro- 
duced Marxism to them. This first socialist party is now the 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the parent body of 


the communist parties throughout the world. By means of the 
Russian Socialist Democratic Party, scattered Russian labor groups 
became fraternally united with the Jewish socialist movement, and 
in this manner became acquainted with the doctrines of Marx and 
Lassalle. While Jewish socialist leaders occupied conspicuous 
posts in the Russian socialist movement at large, the affiliation 
of the Bund with the Russian Socialist Democratic Party was 
strictly as a separate, autonomous body. Thus, at the very outset 
of the Russian communist movement the Neo-Messianism of the 
Jews was apparent. The Marxism they carried to the Russian 
masses was essentially international in intent and purpose, yet, 
as the initiators and leaders of the movement they insisted on 
their own autonomy, their peculiar exclusiveness, their separate 

The Bund published its own paper abroad, "Die Arbeiter Stim- 
mie". It was printed in Yiddish, the language that had developed 
through the centuries from their Khazar ancestors. 

The first congress of the Communist Party of Russia was held 
at Minsk, March 1, 1898, under the general title of Union for 
Struggle for Liberation of the Working Class. Delegates from 
"unions" at St. Petersburg, Moscow, Ivanov-Vosnesensk, Kiev and 
the Jewish Socialist Bund made up the "congress" delegation. 
Gregory Zinoviev, whose real name was Hirsch Apfelbaum, in his 
"History of the Russian Communist Party", says that there were 
eight delegates present, and then proceeds to name nine: Edelman, 
Vigdorchek, Radchenko, Tuchapsky, Vanovsky, Petrusjevitch, 
Kramer, Kosovsky and Mutnik. The last three named represented 
the Jewish Socialist Bund. The Union, says Zinoviev, had been 
originally organized in St. Petersburg. Its members included 
Lenin, Radchenko, Krshishanovsky, Vaneev, Starkov, Martov, Sil- 
vin, Zinoviev, Shelgunov, and Babuskin. Other important founders 
and members of the party were Krassin, Fedosiev, Melnitsky, Ala- 
bishev, Goldenach (Riazonov), Steklov, Tziperovitch, Kramer, 
Eisenstadt, Kosovsky, and Khinchuk. Kramer, Eisenstadt and Kos- 
ovsky were also the founders of the Jewish Socialist Bund. 

Zinoviev, himself a Jew, lauds the Bund and gives it its place 
in the organization of the communist party, stating that it "ante- 
dated by several years the workers' movement in St. Petersburg 
and Moscow". 

"The Jewish Workers and artisans," Zinoviev declares, "became 
revolutionary earlier than the workers of the other cities, and 
were enabled earlier than the others to create a mass workers' 
organization, uniting them into a union which received the name 
of the 'bund'." (Bund means "union" in Yiddish.) "From the 
womb of this organization of Jewish workers," Zinoviev continues, 
"came forth not a few great heroic workers. Suffice to name the 


Jewish worker Leckert, murdered by von Bahl, the Chief of Police 
of Vilna, and to call to mind a whole series of active workers in 
the Jewish workers' movement, who are still in the ranks of our 
party, and who shared in its organization." 

At the time of its formation, and for several years thereafter, 
the Jewish Socialist Bund was the largest and most powerful unit 
in the Russian Communist movement. Its leaders worked inces- 
santly in spreading Marxism among the workingmen of the indus- 
trial sections of the empire, creating secret cells wherever they 
found three or more sympathizers. The Jewish leadership of the 
revolutionary movement was recognized everywhere. "And," says 
Zinoviev, "it was not at all by chance that this congress was held 
in Minsk, in a city of the Jewish Pale, on the territory of the 
Bund's activities." It was only fitting that the site of the first 
congress should be in a city of the Jews who had brought com- 
munism to Russia and founded its first party. "At the present 
time," Zinoviev said, "reviewing the history of our party, now 
grown into a great organization, we ought, it seems to me, to re- 
member the courageous Jewish workers and artisans who, arising 
the first to the struggle, helped us lay the first stone in the foun- 
dation of our party." 

The first congress elected a central committee, appointed an 
editorial board for the proposed party paper, and sent out the 
typical communist call to the proletariat. 

The controversy over Jewish nationalism arose within the Rus- 
sian Communist Party at the beginning. Party congresses were 
made up of delegates selected from various "workers" units and 
cells, of which the Jewish Socialist Bund was one. At first the 
membership of the various units or cells, ostensibly Russian, was, 
in fact, Jewish. But as time went by more and more Russians 
were drawn into the movement. Lenin, as his leadership devel- 
oped, made "the hegemony of the proletariat" a fundamental doc- 
trine. The Jewish demand for "autonomy" strongly suggests an 
ideological "escape valve" from the trap being prepared for the 
Christian world, and the historical events of the last fifty years 
makes the "suggestion" a fact. 

In 1899 the Third Convention of the Jewish Socialist Bund con- 
vened in Kovno. A proposal to demand national equality for the 
Jews was voted down. A similar proposal at the Fourth Conven- 
tion (1901) was also voted down. The Fifth Convention held in 
1905, basing its stand on the Brussels-London convention of the 
Russian Social Democratic Party (communist), adopted a resolu- 
tion demanding "national-cultural autonomy" in the domain of 


popular education, and public rights for the language (Yiddish) 

spoken by the Jews. 


Poale Zion grew out of the Jewish Socialist Bund and had as its 
principle objective the establishment of cooperatives in Palestine. 
The organization was represented at the All-Russian Zionist Con- 
gress held at Minsk in 1902. It was organized in 1901 in Russia, 
from whence it spread to Austria, Palestine and the United States. 
The organization was recognized by the Ninth Congress of the 
World Zionist Organization and thus further coupled Marxism 
with the movement. 


Jewish revolutionary activities convulsed Russia with increasing 
frequency. The cruel assassination of Czar Alexander II in 1881 
and the public execution of the murderers did not dampen the zeal 
of the terrorists. A Jew named Mloditzki had made an unsuc- 
cessful attempt on the life of Loris-Melikov. Before Mloditzki was 
executed he defiantly declared that terrorism would continue and 
that Melikov would be murdered. "If it is not I," he shouted, "it 
will be another; and if it is not the other, it will be a third. Count 
Melikov will be murdered by us." The Russian government con- 
tinued to wrestle clumsily with the problem, torn by conflicting 
emotions that demanded stern measures on the one hand and con- 
ciliatory and lenient measures on the other. Jewish uprisings 
put down by the police, and, because of their seriousness, sometimes 
by Russian troops, were advertised abroad by Jewish propagand- 
ists as "pogroms". So consistent were these Jewish inspired 
stories, and so well suppressed were the Russian government's re- 
ports, that uninformed American and European Gentiles believed 
that the Jews were poor innocent victims of a blood-thirsty, anti- 
Semitic government. 

Agitation went on with increasing activity among students and 
workingmen. Disorders and riots were carefully planned and exe- 
cuted at the universities. Sudden strikes were called at the fac- 
tories. An underground press at home, and a blatant press abroad, 
spewed forth inflammatory revolutionary propaganda for the 
Russian proletariat, and anti-Russian propaganda for foreign con- 
sumption. While much of this revolutionary activity had gone on 
for a number of years, it was gradually coordinated by the rise of 
the Jewish Socialist Bund and the Russian Communist Party after 

Russian Jewish youth flocked to the revolutionary parties and 
many of them were attracted to terrorist activities. "The Jews," 
declares Dubnow, "supplied the revolutionary army and a larger 
number of fighters than was warranted by their numerical pro- 
portion to the rest of the Russian population." 

Revolutionary terrorists such as Balmashev, Karpovitch, Saznov, 


Savinkov, Gershuni and Hirsh Leckert became "party" heroes. 
Hirsh Leckert fired at the Governor of Vilna in 1902. The Jewish 
terrorist paid for his bad marksmanship with his life. Gregory 
Gershuni directed the assassination of the Minister of the Interior, 
Sypiagin, murdered Bogdanovich, the Governor of Ufa, and direc- 
ted the plot against Prince Obolensky, Governor of Kharkov. 
Stephan Balmashev actually pulled the trigger that killed Sypiagin 
as he entered the Minister. In 1897 Karpovich shot and killed the 
Minister of Education, Bogolepov. In July of 1904 Sazonov assas- 
sinated Sypiagin's successor, Von Plehve. 

Gregory Gershuni was probably the most blood-thirsty cut-throat 
of the Jewish terrorists. He was born in Shavli. He changed his 
name, left Shavli, and joined the revolutionaries. He was sen- 
tenced to death by the St. Peterburg court-martial in February, 
1904. The death sentence was commuted to life at hard labor 
in Siberia on March 5, 1904. After being confined in the fortress 
of Schlusseburg for a time, he was transferred to Akatuysky 
prison from whence he escaped. Traveling to Japan he made his 
way to the United States where he was received like a conquering 
hero. During his six weeks' stay he collected over thirty thousand 

dollars for the Russian revolutionaries. He died in France in 1907. 

The Russian people recognized the revolutionary movement as 
Jewish instigated and Jewish led. Von Plehve said that it was 
an "alien movement, the work of Jewish hands." It therefore is 
not surprising that Russian newspapers should also report the 
fact. One Krusheven, the publisher of the newspaper Bessarabtz 
(The Bessarabian) in Kishinev, capital of Moldavian Bessarabia, 
undertook to editorialize on the Jewish nature of the terror and 
revolution that was sweeping the country. He commented on the 
tendencies of the Jews to exploit the Gentiles, and pointed out their 
deep, ingrained hatred of Christianity and Christians. He truth- 
fully accused them of importing socialism into Russia and agitating 
a "Godless revolution". He stated very little that the Russians 
did not know through long experience and observation. Whether 
or not Krusheven's newspaper article was responsible for what 
followed may be an open question, but rioting broke out on Sunday. 
April 6, 1903. It is difficult to learn what exactly happened because 
the facts available come from completely unreliable Jewish sources, 
and the Russian sources have been silenced forever. Jewish houses 
and stores were demolished and many Jews were killed and 
wounded. Dubnow places the Russian casualties at two and ignores 
the wounded. Von Plehve immediately dispatched troops into the 
streets and put a stop to the rioting. 

The Russian newspapers did not attach much importance to the 
affair and dismissed it as a "brawl". The Jews, however, fed the 
foreign press with sensational stories of horror and brutality, 


painting the incident as government conceived and executed. 
"Secret" letters between the Governor of Bessarabia and Von 
Plehve "suddenly" found their way into the columns of the London 
Times, dated two weeks before the Kishinev riots. Von Plehve is 
alleged to have written the Governor that if anti-Jewish "disorders" 
should occur, the government would not interfere with armed 
forces. Even Dubnow, the Jewish historian, can hardly swallow 
this trick, and confesses that the "authenticity" of the letter is 
"not entirely above suspecion". He is willing to assume, however, 
that there is "no doubt" that some such instruction was given. 

Americans and Europeans were continually agitated and inflamed 
against Russia by the barrage of "atrocities" committed against 
the Khazar Jews. Jewish organizations everywhere collected huge 
sums of money from Gentiles and Jews alike to succor their un- 
happy "brethren" under the lash of the Czar. Meanwhile Jewish 
revolutionary agitation and terrorist activities in Russia continued 

Von Plehve appears to have acted promptly and properly in the 
Kishinev riots. By the end of April he had issued a circular in- 
structing the various governors to adopt measures for the "pre- 
vention of violence" and admonishing them to make every effort 
for the "suppression of lawlessness". 


A Jew by the name of Pincus Dashevski attacked the publisher 
Krusheven with a knife on the Nevski Prospect in St. Petersburg, 
June 4, 1903. Dashevski's knife, intended for the publisher's heart, 
wounded him in the neck. Dashevski was arrested and brought 
to trial. At the preliminary hearing he frankly confessed that 
he intended to kill Krusheven. At the trial, Gruzenberg, Dash- 
evski's attorney, contended that his client had merely meant to 
voice his protest against the "unbridled criminal activity of Krush- 
even." On August 26, 1903 Dashevski was sentenced to five years 
penal military service. His appeal from the judgment and sen- 
tence was denied. 

• ••••• 

On May 10, 1903, the Russian government, in one of its placating 
moods, announced the opening to the Jews for free domicile of 
one hundred and one localities in various governments of the Pale 
of Settlement. These localities had hitherto been barred to the 
Jews under the "Temporary Rules" of 1882. The Jews received 
the announcement with indifference, and continued with their 
revolutionary activities. 

Meanwhile the flood of Khazar Jews into the United States con- 
tinued with increased vigor. American Jews and their organiza- 
tions worked feverishly in financing the exodus from Russia. 
Special organizations and committees were set up for the purpose 
of receiving the immigrants at Ellis Island and caring for them 


in New York. Gentile employees of Jewish firms were soon re- 
placed by the immigrants, and American employment was seriously 
effected in New York City. Jewish leaders admonished the Amer- 
ican Jews that "a considerable portion of the historic national 
center in Russia and Poland was, under the pressure of external 
events, in the process of removing to North America," and that 
"practical Jewish politics had the direct duty of organizing this 
great rising center of Jewry." 

The Jewish Encylopedia states: "The Jewish exodus from 
Russia drafted to the United States large numbers of Socialists, 
mostly college and university students, who must be reckoned 
among the pioneers of the Socialist parties in America. Their 
main field of activity was the ghetto. But the masses of Jewish 
workmen and tradesmen who were educated by this propaganda, 
scattered throughout the country in pursuit of employment or 
business opportunities and became 'the peddlers of socialism' 
among their shopmates and neighbors." 

American Jewry was influential enough to persuade ex-President 
Grant to call a mass meeting in Chickering Hall, New York City, 
February 1, 1882 for the purpose of drumming up funds for the 
Jewish revolutionaries fleeing Russia. Mayor William R. Grace 
was the chairman of the meeting. A fund of $25,000.00 was col- 
lected through the efforts of one Drexal, a banker. 

The Hebrew Immigrants Aid Society of the United States raised 
$300,000.00, of which sum the Alliance Israelite Universelle at Paris 
contributed $40,000.00; the General Committee of Paris, $20,000.00; 
the Berlin Committee, $35,000.00; the Mansion House Committee 
of London, $40,000.00, and the New York Russian Relief Fund (of 
which Jacob H. Schiff was treasurer), $57,000.00. In 1883 about 
$60,000.00 more was collected. 

Temporary quarters were built on Ward's Island and at Green- 
point, Long Island. About 3,000 immigrants were housed and 
maintained in these quarters until they were supplied with other 
quarters and employment by the Jewish organizations. 

Many of these Jewish revolutionaries had criminal records and 
were otherwise undesirable. The Hebrew Immigrants Aid Society 
immediately set itself up as the legal defense arm of the Khazar 
Jewish hordes, hired lawyers to defend deportation cases, and 
effectually stopped the attempts of United States officials to stem 
the unprecedented human tide of revolutionaries into this country. 

The Jews of Russia, assured of escape to the United States, 
became bolder in their attacks on the Russian government. Homel, 
a town in the Government of Moghilev (in White Russia), con- 
tained about 20,000 Jews, which was about one-half of the town's 
inhabitants. The Jewish population seethed with Zionist and social- 


ist revolutionary secret societies. On August 29, 1903, a fight 
broke out in the market place between a crowd of Jews and Chris- 
tians. A quarrel over the price of a barrel of herring offered by 
a Jewish store-keeper is said to have been the cause of the tumult. 
A Christian peasant was killed. A week or so later, on September 
1st, the Jewish and Christian workers from the railroad shops 
were embroiled in a riot. The Jews were armed. Twelve Jews 
were either killed or wounded, and eight Christians were either 
killed or wounded. The troops put a stop to the sanguinary battle, 
accounting for three of the casualties. Both Christians and Jews 
were arrested. 

Two days later the Governor of Maghilev came to Homel and 
addressed the people of the city at the Town Council. "I am sorry 
for the unhappy victims," he said, "but how could such bitterness 
have arisen? Religious toleration in Russia is complete. The 
causes of the latest events lie deeper. The Jews have now become 
the leaders and instigators in all movements directed against the 
Government. This entire 'Bund' and the Social-Democrats — they 
are all Jews." 

According to the official reports of the Government, the armed 
Jews attacked the Christians. When the troops arrived, the Jews 
attacked them, and the soldiers had to fire in self-defense. 'The 
cause of the disturbance," the report concludes, "lies in the ex- 
tremely hostile and defiant attitude of the local Jews against the 
Christians." Of the sixty defendants, thirty-six were Jews. The 
trial lasted three months. About half of the Christians and half 
of the Jews were acquitted. Those convicted were given light 

The story told abroad by world Jewry, of course, was quite dif- 
ferent. It had been a government "pogrom". The Jews of Russia, 
however, looked upon the affair as some sort of a Jewish victory, 
and the publicity it received stirred the revolutionary enthusiasm 
of the younger Jews to greater acts of violence. 

Meanwhile a number of Christians who had participated in the 
Kishinev riots were brought to trial. The Jewish lawyers con- 
nected with the trials attempted to try the Government rather than 
the accused. The defendants were convicted and sentenced to hard 
labor or penal service. Governor von Raaben was replaced. The 
civil actions for damages brought by the Jews were dismissed. 

Zinoviev paints a sinister back-drop for the Second Congress of 
the Communist Party of Russia.. "In various localities," he says, 
"the lightning of revolutionary struggle began to flash." A series 
of so-called "peasant" movements flamed into revolt in Saratov, 
to be suppressed by Governor Stolypin. Revolution stemming 
from the Pale of Settlement was inundating Holy Russia. The 
descendants of the ancient Khazar hordes were on the march! 


Nikolai Lenin (Vladimir Inch Ulianov — 1870-1924), and Leon 
Trotsky (Lev Davydovich Bronstein — 1870-1940), were about to 
enter upon the great rehearsal that was to prepare them for the 
most tragic drama of history. Lenin was a Russian lawyer, born 
in Simbirsk (now Ulyanovsk), while Trotsky was a Jew from 


The Second Congress opened in Brussels. It was to be a secret 
meeting, but the delegates were so loud and boisterous that the 
Belgian police soon knew that something unusual was going on. 
The Coq d'Or became revolutionary headquarters. Gusev is said 
to have sung in such loud voice that crowds gathered beneath the 
windows out of curiosity. Lenin's favorite song was "We Were 
Wedded Out of Church", which Gusev sang for him on festive 

Lenin reported that there were forty-three delegates with fifty- 
one votes present. Some of them, including Lenin and Martov, 
were entitled to two votes each. In addition to the delegates, there 
were fourteen "consultative votes" — fraternal delegates with voice 
but no vote. These "fraternal" delegates included Axelrod, Zasu- 
lich and Potresov of the Iskra (the Communist publication) 
Board; Arkadi Kramer of the Jewish Socialist Bund; Noah Zhor- 
dania, of the Georgian Social Democracy; and Hanecki and Warski 
of the Polish Social Democracy. 

The Congress convened July 30, 1903 in an old flour warehouse 
decorated with red cloth. The place was infested with rats and 
fleas. Russian and Belgian police swarmed through the alleys 
and streets. Georgi Valentinovich Plekhanov delivered the open- 
ing address. The delegates sang the "International". Out of 
respect to the Minsk Congress of 1897 they officially designated 
this, the Brussels meeting, the "Second Congress". They declared 
that the purpose of the convention was to fuse all factors into a 
single, unified All-Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. 

Present were Schatman, Lydia Makhnovetz, N. Baumann, Lydia 
Knipovitch ("Djadenka"), Stopani, Maklin, Lenov, Krasikov, 
Demitry Ulianov (Lenin's brother), Zemlyatchka, Panin, Maschin- 
ski, Gusev, Ackerman, Galkin, Lyadov, Levin, Nikolaev, Dr. Mal- 
denberg, Trotsky, Zurabov, Bogan Knuniantz and Topuridze. From 
the Jewish Socialist Bund: Kramer, Eisenstart, Portnoy, Liber, 
Medem and Kossovsky. And, of course, Lenin, Martov, Plekhanov, 
Axelrod and Deutsch of the Iskra organization. 

The absence of the "proletariat" from this "Second Congress" 
is so glaring that Zinoviev feels called upon to apologize. "The 
Iskra organisation," he explains, "and our committee was, for the 
most part, made up of students and of professional revolutionists; 
there were not many workers in it. The workers were still indi- 
vidual figures such as Babushkin and Schatman, who were begin- 


ning to make their way out of the worker masses. Due to this 
fact, the second party congress which laid the foundations of the 
party, was also in the main not made up of workers. But, despite 
this fact, the Iskra organization was, in reality, the first Bolshevik 
organization, playing a great and active role in the revolution — 
the role of the Communist vanguard. Made up of professional 
revolutionists led by Comrade Lenin, although not purely working- 
class in composition, it bore along with it, nevertheless, the worker- 
masses, and gave expression to that which was ripening deep 
within the proletarian masses. And this group, later the creators 
of our party, was borne on the crest of the waves of the toiling 

All of which, of course, is a play on words and a rather pitiful 
attempt to disguise the agitational basis of the entire movement. 
First and foremost the Russian term "Bolshevik" signifies the 
"majority". The editorial board of the party organ "Iskra" 
(Spark) never contained more than a hand-full of members and its 
readers could hardly be numbered as members — certainly an in- 
significant "minority". They were all so-called intellectuals; in a 
very real sense of the slang term, they were "bums". They were 
not workers and therefore did not belong to the proletariat. The 
members of the revolutionary conspiracy desired to lead a workers' 
movement, and it was necessary to deceive the workers and make 
them believe that it was their movement. Hence, the embarrass- 
ment of Zinoviev and the others in having to admit that the organ- 
izers and leaders of the Communist Party did not belong to the 


When the speech-making, the shouting and tumult of the open- 
ing ceremonies diminished, the congress opened with a wrangle 
over credentials. Lenin and Martov clashed in the first of the 
Iskra caucuses. Martov demanded a representative presidium, 
while Lenin held out for a three man presidium, all from the 
Iskra group. Lenin finally won the argument and the presidium 
was composed of himself, Plekhanov, and Krasikov. 

The first open break occurred on the question of the relationship 
of the Jewish Socialist Bund to the Party. While all of the mem- 
bers of the Bund were Jews, the Congress as a whole, was also 
largely composed of Jews. The debate that followed was between 
one group of organized communist Jews and another unorganized 
group of communist Jews and Gentiles. As has been pointed 
out heretofore, the Jewish Socialist Bund was as thoroughly 
Zionist as it was communistic. While it was determined to destroy 
the nationalist characteristics of all other peoples, it insisted on 
preserving its own Jewishness and its own nation. It had brought 
Marxism to Russia. It had organized the first communist Congress 


at Minsk and had taken the initiative in organizing the Second. 
Its members had been the chief assassins and bomb-throwers, It 
was the leader of organized revolution. But first and foremost 
its members were Jews, and they had resolved that, as far as the 
Bund was concerned, "class-consciousness" and "national conscious- 
ness" went hand in hand. The delegates had come to Brussels 
with a firm determination to secure continued autonomy in all 
Jewish problems, and to have the communist revolutionary move- 
ment, at the outset, recognize the claim of the Bund to represent 
all Jewish socialists wherever they might be found. Lenin, on 
the contrary, stood for a rigidly centralized party in which national 
subdivisions were to be mere agencies for transmitting through 
their several languages the slogans, programs, decisions, and orders 
of an all-powerful central committee. Martov, Trotsky, Axelrod 
and the other non-Bund Jews supported Lenin against the Bund 
members. When the vote was taken the Lenin faction was vic- 
torious. It was this vote that ultimately brought about the split 
that gave rise to the Bolshevik (majority) and Menshevik (min- 
ority) factions. 

Much of the history that followed, as well as otherwise incom- 
prehensible current events, are explained and made clear by an 
understanding of the issue involved in this remote and obscure 
debate in the rat-and-flea infested warehouse in Brussels in 1903. 
The phrase, "Bolshevik Revolution", conveyed little to foreign 
readers. As the years passed the term "Menshevik" was heard, 
and it, too, conveyed nothing of importance to the average Euro- 
pean and American. Those who understood the meanings of the 
terms misinterpreted their significance. For a long time most 
people were under the impression that the "Bolsheviks" were the 
blood-thirsty, bomb-throwing type, whereas the "Mensheviks" were 
opposed to sanguinary revolution and advocated gentler means of 
attaining a sort of democratic form of government. The difference, 
as has been indicated, was simply a matter of the Jewish nation. 
Underneath, of course, was something else — the safety-valve of 
escape for the Jews from the gigantic trap Jewry was setting for 
Gentile nations. History, if it taught the Jews anything at all, 
taught them that they cannot peacefully exist under any form 
of government or economy that they are unable to dominate and 
exploit. A socialist government shared with Gentiles would prob- 
ably be more disastrous to them than any other system, unless 
they completely dominated it. Under any other conditions they 
must perish, because socialism is, theoretically at least, the nega- 
tion of expolitation. Hence Jewish Marxism had two faces: one 
for the Gentile and one for the Jew. All Gentile nations were to be 
merged into one great socialist family under a world government. 
The Jews, by maintaining their status as a nation, would control 
the world through its representatives in a world parliament. 


Both wings of the Communist Party of Russia were largely 
Jewish whether Bolshevik or Menshevik. Lenin, a Gentile, was 
the stumbling block for the Jews, and it was solely because of his 
strong personality that the split came. Zinoviev's account of 
the debate, aside from the usual communist cliches, is quite accu- 
rate. "The first point of divergence," he explains, "was the attitude 
toward the national question, in other words, to the Bund. Although 
once again paying tribute to the heroism of the Jewish worker 
and artisan, who in the darkest night of reaction arose the first 
to fight, at the same time it must be said that the role played by 
the Bund in history was opportunist and Menshevist. At the 
Second Congress, its precise approach to the national question 
was very definitely brought out. The Bund demanded that it be 
regarded as the sole representative of the whole Jewish proletariat 
of Russia, refusing to take cognizance of the fact that the Jewish 
people in general were scattered throughout the whole country, 
and that therefore the correct course was for them to join the 
organization of the place in which they lived, just as the Finnish. 

Estonian, and other workers." 


The next controversy grew out of Martov's draft resolution de- 
fining members and their obligations to the party. Lenin also had 
a resolution on the same subject. The resolutions appeared to be 
so much alike that even the delegates must have been bewildered 
at the furious debate that followed their introduction. There was, 
however, a substantial difference. Martov defined a party member 
as one who subjects himself to the control of the party, and gives 
support of any sort to the party organization. Lenin defined a 
party member as one who participates in some party organization 
and its tasks. Martov, Axelrod and other Jewish delegates argued 
that the Lenin formula was needlessly dangerous in view of the 
fact that the party was illegal. The Lenin resolution, they de- 
clared, would discourage students, professors, and other intellec- 
tuals from working with the party because by actually being iden- 
tified with the party they ran the risk of exposure. Lenin retorted 
that the party needed workers, not students and professors. Says 
Zinoviev: "The course which Martov and Axelrod proposed to us 
threatend us with the same fate as that which overtook the Social 
Revolutionaries, who took in everyone that they fell in with, and 
had by 1917 become so diluted that individual revolutionaries 
floundered around in it among a mess of bourgeois democrats 
like flies in milk." 

Martov won a short-lived victory. The delegates decided that 
anyone might enter the party who aided it and worked under its 
control. It is said that Lenin nearly went mad. Martov, writing 
about the event long after, said: "I gained the victory, but Lenin 
managed in a short time, with the aid of several other points. 


to so undermine my formula; to take such revenge, that in the 
final reckoning, practically nothing remained of my victory." 

Lenin had won the fight against the Bund, and lost the debate 
with Martov. Trotsky had sided with Martov — a fact that Stalin 
would remember in his struggle with "Trotskyism". During the 
debate Trotsky declared: "I do not believe that you can put a 
statutory exorcism on opportunism. I do not give the statutes 
any sort of mystical interpretation." Axelrod, remembering that 
communism was a Jewish philosophy, asked the Congress: "Is not 
Lenin dreaming of the administrative subordination of an entire 
party to a few guardians of doctrine?" 

This momentous debate required two full sessions, innumerable 
votes on procedure, and two roll calls. The final vote was 28 for 
Martov and 22 for Lenin. Simple arithmetic discloses that the 
Martov faction was in the majority. 

Lenin, in a white rage, went to work. He split the Iskra caucus 
by barring Martov, Axelrod, Zasulich, and Potresov from its ses- 
sions. When not in meetings he incessantly lobbied the delegates. 
Krupskaya, his Jewish wife, writes that he did not sleep and 
was unable to eat. His great opportunity came when the Bund 
delegates, smarting under the bitterness of their defeat on the 
Jewish question, walked out of the Congress — five votes that had 
supported Martov! Lenin then moved to dissolve the Rabochee 
Delo (revolutionary publication) under pretense of giving exclu- 
sive recognition to Iskra. Martov, a loyal Iskrist, fell into the 
trap and voted for the motion. As a result, the two Rabochee 
Delo delegates also withdrew from the Congress. Lenin's minority 
of six was thus turned into a majority — and the Bolsheviki was 
born! Lenin, by this device, turned his defeat into victory, and 
his unusual talents for propaganda soon made the world believe 
that he led the majority of the revolutionaries — or, at least, the 
"majority" of something. ("Bolshestvo" means "majority"; "Bol- 
sheviki" means "majority ites".) 

Although the Communist Party of Russia actually split on the 
Jewish question, it remained united on communist doctrines gen- 
erally, and on the necessity for the destruction of all capitalistic 
governments particularly. Regardless of the differences in their 
ultimate objectives, the "comrades" of both factions always fought 
shoulder to shoulder on the barricades. 

Zinoviev holds that the vote on the composition of the editorial 
board of Iskra marked the conscious determination (on Lenin's 
part solely, of course) of the "majorityites" (Bolsheviki) and the 
"minorityites" (Mensheviki). Before the Second Congress, the 
Board was composed of Lenin, Plekhanov, Martov, Potresov, 
Axelrod and Zasulich. Lenin now proposed a three man board to 
be composed of himself, Plekhanov and Martov. The vote was 


close — 25 to 23 — but Lenin won. "From this juncture," declares 
Zinoviev, "derive the terms 'Bolsheviki' (majorityites) and Men- 
sheviki' (minorityites). As is known, during the revolution often 
an altogether different interpretation was placed on them. Many 
thought simply that the Bolsheviks were those who desired the 
most possible, while the Mensheviks were prepared to be satisfied 
with less. In actual fact, however, this winged-word arose in 
connection with the fact that the majority (Bolshestvo) voted for 
the Plekhanov-Lenin editorial board, the minority (Menshestvo), 
against it." While this is the juncture that Lenin selected, it is 
certainly not the real cause of the split. The vote on the editorial 
board (after the five Bund delegates and the two Rabochee Delo 
representatives walked out) was merely an extension of the dis- 
agreement on the Jewish question. 


The split in the Communist Party of Russia over the question 
of Jewish nationalism must necessarily have strange overtones in 
years to come. The Jewish origin of the movement and the work 
of the Jewish Socialist Bund in establishing the Communist Party 
of Russia are historical facts. The reason for the division of the 
party into two segments would become vague and indistinct in 
the years to come, but the reason would remain. As has been 
seen, the Jews predominated in both the Bolshevik and the Men- 
shevik groups, and the members of both wings joined hands 
throughout the world in their revolutionary activities. But the 
internal conflict for control of the movement never ceased. Where 
Communism came to power the Jewish communists maneuvered 
and conspired for domination. Until the ascendency of Stalin the 
Jews controlled both the Soviet government and the Communist 
Party of Russia. Stalin's controversy with the Jew Trotsky De- 
volved the question of Jewish nationalism and accounts for Stalin's 
ruthless liquidation of the old Bolsheviks, nearly all of whom were 
Jews. Ideologically Stalin had the best of the argument — some- 
thing that Marx would have been unable to have foreseen. The 
Jews who opposed Stalin did not oppose communism. The Trotsky- 
ites were, and are, the same kind of communists as the Stalinites. 
Many Jewish communists in recent years have won wide acclaim 
by having written and spoken against Stalin. A careful examina- 
tion of these writings and statements reveal the rather amazing 
fact that there is no condemnation of the doctrines of communism 
— only Stalinism. In most cases the student will learn that these 
alleged "anti-communists" attempt to distinguish between com- 
munism and socialism without ever using the terms. 

Jewish communism must some day come to grips with its crea- 
tion — Gentile communism! The Jews will no more merge their 
nationalism into international communism than they will merge 
into any other group. Communism is merely a Jewish device, in 


the same category as capitalism — and both have been used, and 
will continue to be used, for the same Jewish purposes. When it 
suits Jewry's objectives the Soviets will be pictured as "anti-Sem- 
itic", but the name-calling will be no more an indictment of com- 
munism than it is of capitalism. While some Jews were unable 
to stomach the Hitler-Stalin pact, they nevertheless persisted in 
their revolutionary activities. The fact is, however, that most 
communist Jews followed the twisting party line of the Hitler- 
Stalin pact with sickening accuracy. 

The ruthless invasion and conquest of Palestine with the immoral 
approval of the United Nations would bring puzzling developments 
in Jewish-Soviet relations. Only an understanding of the Jewish- 
Communist nationalism controversy, as it was faught out in the 
old flour barn in Brussels between Lenin and the delegates of the 
Jewish Socialist Bund, clarifies Jewish maneuvering in later years. 

The Central Committee was elected (quite naturally) by the 
Bolsheviks (a majority). Martov refused to serve on the editorial 
board of Iskra. Krupskaya says "P. B. Axelrod was particularly 
pained by the fact that Iskra was not published in Switzerland, 
and that the stream of communication with Russia did not pass 
through him. ... To her, Vera Zasulich — leaving Iskra would mean 
once more becoming isolated from Russia. . . . For her it was not 
a question of self-love, but a question of life and death ..." 
Lenin and Plekhanov became the "editorial board" When Plek- 
hanov suggested to Lenin that they should bring the others back, 
Lenin left the "board". Plekhanov then reinstated them. 

The Russian and Belgian police finally grew tired of the wrang- 
ling and shouting in the old flour warehouse, and arrested Rosa 
Zemlyachka, Iskra agent, and deported her. The remainder of the 
delegates were given twenty-four hours to get out of Brussels 
and Belgium. So the Congress packed up and went to London. 
Their money was running low, and London was very hot. They 
reconvened on August 11th and finally closed their sinister busi- 
ness August 23rd. 


Gregory Zinoviev (Hirsh Apfelbaum) did not attend the Second 
Congress. Neither did Stalin nor Kamenev. These three were 
destined to become the rulers of Russia after Lenin's death — two 
Jews and the Mongolian Georgian, Stalin. Lev Borisovich Kamenev 
(whose real name was Rosenfeld, 1883-1936) joined the Social 
Democratic Party in 1901. He was arrested and banished to Siberia 
(1915-1917) for anti-ally war propaganda. He took a leading part 
In establishing the communist government of the Soviets after 


the revolution, and became the vice-president of the U. S. S. R. 
in 1923. He married Trotsky's sister. 


The Russo-Japanese War commenced January 27, 1904. Russia 
was apparently no match for the military superiority of Japan 
from the very start. The communists were jubilant and prepared 
to turn the "imperialist war" into civil war in accord with Marxian 
principles. Novoye Vremya, and other Russian newspapers, 
charged that the Socialist and Zionist Jews were secretly helping 
Japan. It was said that the Jews were exporting gold abroad, 
and provoking England and the United States against embattled 
Russia. Most of the charges were true. 

During February of 1904 a Jewish poem "To Haman" appeared. 

Its central theme was the prediction of the death of the 'hew 

Haman", who was easily identified as von Plehve, the Minister 

of the Interior. On the morning of July 15, 1904 the terrorist 

Sazonov threw a bomb at von Plehve in the square before the 

Warsaw depot in St. Petersburg as the Minister was preparing 

to leave for Peterhof to report to the Czar. Von Plehve died in 

the exposion, his blood staining the pavement where he stood. 

Svyatopolk-Mirski succeeded von Plehve as Minister of the In- 
terior on August 26, 1904. The post had never been an easy one, 
but it had never been quite so difficult as in the fall of 1904. On 
the 22nd of August, new Jewish riots broke out in Southern Russia 
— in Smylla, Kiev, Rovno, and Volhynia — and continued through 
October. The Gentiles abroad were told that these Jewish dis- 
turbances were "pogroms" instituted by the Government. This 
Jewish propaganda has become fixed in the minds of the people 
of Western Europe and the United States by Jewish historians 
and writers. It has found its way into encyclopedias, articles, his- 
tories and even novels, written by Gentiles for Gentile readers. 
Never before in the history of the world has the effort of a gov- 
ernment against a criminal revolutionary movement been so 
thoroughly smeared and discredited. 


The Jewish communists carried their propaganda into bourgeois 
circles, establishing what was to become so well-known in later 
years as "liberal" and "progressive" groups. The members of 
these organizations are generally referred to by official legislative 
investigating committees as "communist fellow-travelers". These 
"bourgeois intellectuals" of Russia, in 1904 and 1905, were com- 
posed largely of Jewish lawyers and professionals who had not 
been closely associated publicly with the terrorists and secret revo- 
lutionary societies. Setting the pattern for later day Jewish-com- 
munist agitation in other countries, a group of lawyers and literary 
"progressives" met at a public banquet to "call" for "the repeal 


of all national and denominational restrictions." The Zemstov 
workers assemblyed at St. Petersburg and adopted a resolution 
pointing up the "anomaly of the political order." 

January 22, 1905 has since become known as St. Petersburg's 
"Bloody Sunday". Although there were Jews and revolutionaries 
in the mob led by the priest Gapon that marched on the Winter 
Palace, it appears quite certain that the intentions of both the 
priest and the overwhelming majority of the people were peaceful, 
and not prompted in any sense by revolutionary motives. Many 
of the marchers carried banners and icons. There is no clear 
account of what touched off the Cossack attack but its units 
suddenly rode into the square and into the advancing crowds, 
shooting down many of the marchers as they drove them back. 
Whether the commander of the Cossacks had become overly ner- 
vous, or whether the Jewish revolutionaries stage-managed the 
affair by leaking out "information" to the secret police that the 
marchers carried concealed arms and approached the Palace with 
revolutionary intent, cannot now be ascertained. The latter prob- 
ability is strongly supported by what is now known of communist 
tactics. Father Georgi Gapon has been lambasted by the Socialists 
as a "double-dealing" priest, inferring that he led the St. Peters- 
burg workers into a death-trap. There certainly does not appear 
to be any substantial evidence in support of these charges. Father 
Gapon had spent most of his priesthood among the factory popu- 
lation of St. Petersburg, and there is no evidence that indicates 
that he was not in full sympathy with the plight of these people, 
or that he was not doing what lay in his power to alleviate their 
distress. The fact that he first secured permission from the secret 
police to organize the workers into labor unions indicates that 
he was working within the law and attempting to rescue the 
workers from the atheistic clutches of the communists. It was 
Father Gapon who led the strike of these unions, and he was in 
the forefront of the workers as they marched to the Winter Palace 
in January. He carried the union's petition to present on its behalf 
to the Czar. Common sense revolts at the probability that he was 
engaged in a conspiracy that contemplated a useless and mean- 
ingless massacre of unarmed people. And it would appear that 
even the most stupid would anticipate the reaction of the public 
at large to such unwarranted brutality. Inept and clumsy as they 
were, Czar Nicholas and the men surrounding him were certainly 
not stupid. It therefore can only be concluded that the command- 
ant of the Cossacks acted on nervous impulse, or that the author- 
ities had received "planted" information of a gigantic plot to 
murder the royal family. 

In any event the news of the horrible event spread with electric 


intensity across Russia, mobilizing anger and rage against the 
Czar. The Jewish Socialist Bund and its revolutionary affiliates 
were exuberant. The incident had accomplished more in a few 
minutes than all the propaganda and terrorist activities had been 
able to accomplish in two decades. The Jewish revolutionaries 
could now look to support from the masses of the Russian Gentiles. 

Demonstrations, strikes and acts of terror swept Russia with 
the force of a tidal wave. In Poland and the western govern- 
ments of Russia, Jewish revolutionaries arose in open revolt, 
posing as striking workers and labor unionists. A Jew named 
Stillman fired at the Chief of Police of Odessa and wounded him. 
In Moghilev another Jew made an unsuccessful attack on the 
Chief of Police. Revolutionary fervor spread. Communist organ- 
izers worked feverishly among the proletariat. Leagues and 
unions of railroad employees, engineers, laborers, and even law- 
yers, sprang into existence over night. Strikes were called every- 
where. University and college students struck. Industry and 
commerce began to grind to an uncertain stop throughout the 
empire. As the police moved in to disperse rioters and demon- 
strators, new acts of terrorism rocked the country. Grand Duke 
Sergius, a member of the House of Romanov and governor- general 
of Moscow, was killed by a bomb thrown by Kalayev of Febru- 
ary 4, 1905. 


The League for the Attainment of Equal Rights for the Jewish 
People of Russia came into being at the end of March, 1905, as 
the result of a conference of Jews held in Vilna. The new organ- 
ization demanded civil, political and national rights. The "national" 
rights here demanded had nothing to do with national Russian 
rights. The demand was the same ancient cry that had bewildered 
the authorities of Europe for two thousand years — the demand to 
be an autonomous nation within a nation. The shocking part 
of the resolution was that it called for full Russian rights and, at 
the same time, rights and powers of a separate and distinct nation! 

The League's most defiant act was the adoption of a resolution 
sending "enthusiastic greetings" to the assassin Dashevski who 
was doing time in a penal military company. 

A central bureau of the new organization was established at 
St. Petersburg, composed of twenty-two members. Among these 
were M. Vinaver, G. Sliosberg, L. Bramson, Dr. Shmaryahu Levin, 
S. M. Dubnow (the Jewish historian), and M. Ratner. 

The Jewish youth were armed and bands of them roamed over 
the country, raiding and terrorizing the Gentile settlements. As 
a result the Russians in a spontaneous uprising organized into 
groups and attacked the Jews. These groups became known as 


the Black Hundreds. Riots broke out in Bialystok, Dusyaty, and 
Simferopol in early April. 

Many Russians were converted to socialism, by members of the 
Jewish Socialist Bund, particularly after the massacre of the 
workers on "Bloody Sunday" at St. Petersburg. While the Jews 
maintained their own communist organization, the Bund, they 
worked incessantly to build the Communist Party. In the be- 
ginning, and for many years thereafter, the Bund furnished the 

leadership for the Russian cells. 


In Zhitomer the members of the Jewish Socialist Bund used a 
portrait of the Czar as a target for pistol practice in a field behind 
the city. Rumors of this insult to the Czar led to an open clash 
between the Russians and the Jews in the latter part of April. 
Dubnow reports that fifteen Jews were killed and nearly a hundred 
were wounded, but fails to give the Gentile casualties. The battle 
lasted four days. On April 25, fourteen members of the Bund, 
armed with postols, marched from the town of Chudnov to rein- 
force their comrades in Zhitomer. As they attempted to pass 
through the town of Troyanov, the outraged Russian peasants 
killed ten of them. 


The Jewish Socialist Bund carefully organized an uprising in 
Odessa, financed by the Jewish merchants. Quantities of arms 
were purchased and secretly distributed among several thousand 
younger Jews. At a prearranged signal the Jews swarmed into 
the streets carrying a red flag, firing fusillades from their revolvers 
at anything or anybody. The national flags of Russia were torn 
from their standards, and the Czar's portrait was mutilated where- 
ever it was found. The Municipal Council of Odessa was resolved 
into a "Commune" modeled on the bloody French Commune, and 
renamed the "Committee of Public Safety". The revolutionaries 
immediately issued a proclamation announcing the establishment 
of the "South Russian Republic". The Commune, at the Jews' 
coercion demanded the withdrawal of the Czar's troops, the dis- 
armament of the police, and the establishment of a 'citizens' mil- 
itia. The armed Jews, in full possession of the city, were insolent 
and violent, and the unarmed Russians were powerless to stop 

When at last the troops of the Czar marched in and put down 
the revolt, world Jewry screamed "pogrom" and Russian "anti- 

Under the communist theory of transforming the "imperialist" 
war into civil war, Lenin's faction called for the defeat of Russia. 
At the Amsterdam (1904) Congress of the Party, Plekhanov em- 
braced the Japanese delegate, Katayama, amidst the enthusiastic 


shouts and applause of the entire Congress. Martov writes: 'The 
leader of the Finnish Activists', who later headed the Finnish 
government in 1905 — Konni Zilliakus — openly proposed to Plek- 
hanov as well as to the foreign representatives of the Bund, that 
they enter into negotiation with the agents of the Japanese gov- 
ernment in regard to aid for the Russian revolution in the form 
of money and arms." 

The war was going badly. "Bloody Sunday" was the greatest 
propaganda weapon the communist Jews had ever had, and they 
made the most of it. The Japanese victories helped destroy the 
waning faith in the fumbling leadership of Czar Nicholas II. The 
communists publicized the slogan: "Organization of armed insur- 
rection and the creation of a provisional revolutionary government!" 

The Third Communist Party Congress was completely under the 
control of the Mensheviks, in spite of Lenin's attempt to pass off 
his faction as the "majority". Moreover, the Mensheviks were in 
complete control of the Central Committee, the editorial board of 
Iskra, and the Party Council. It was a rather ludicrous position 
for Lenin's "majority" — which did not control anything. Zinoviev, 
again the loyal apologist, admits: "The situation of the Bolsheviks 
was, I repeat, exceedingly difficult, and was rendered even harder, 
owing to the fact that there was no possibility of an appeal to the 
Party, which was condemned to an underground existence and 
subject to savage persecution on the part of Czarism." 

The labor strikes arranged by the Jewish Socialist Bund assumed 
the character of anarchy. The revolution may be said to have 
actually started on October 18, 1905. The peasant movement 
broke with violent intensity accomplanied by the burning of 
manors and the ruthless destruction of estates. Poland and the 
Baltic region trembled in the throes of terrorism. In December 
the revolutionaries threw up the usual barricades in the streets 
of Moscow and held off the police until the troops arrived and 
put them to flight. In Nyezhin, in the government of Chernigov, 
the Gentiles compelled the rioting Jews, headed by a rabbi, to 
publicly take the oath of allagiance to the Czar. The League of 
the Russian People was organized to counter the Jewish revolution. 

The Chief of Police of the city of Bialystok was assasinated. 
On June 1, 1906, a revolver was discharged during a Church pro- 
cession, which set off a riot against the Jews who had started 
the trouble. A bomb exploded in the summer home of Prime 
Minister Stolypin. A thousand suspects, mostly Jews, were 
rounded up and arrested. A sentry was fired upon in the city 
of Syedletz on August 27, 1906 which resulted in a riot. 

The League of the Russian People gained strength. 


Zionism grew. The Social Democratic Party advanced its revo- 
lutionary activities on the premise that "the blood of the Jew must 
serve as lubricating oil upon the wheels of the Russian Revolution." 

The Russian Zionists met at Helsingfors in November, 1906, 
and adopted the following resolution: 

"The Zionist organization of Russia sanctions the affiliation 
of the Zionists with the movement for liberty among the ter- 
ritorial nationalities of Russia, and advocates the necessity 
of uniting Russian Jewry with the principles of the recogni- 
tion of the Jewish nationality and its self government in all 
the affairs affecting Jewish national life." 

The Jewish Socialist Labor Party was born in 1905. Its mem- 
bers called themselves "Saymists", from "Saym" ("Diet"). 

The League for the Attainment of Equal Rights disintegrated 
in 1907, its members reforming in the Jewish Peoples' Group, and 
the Volkspartei (Jewish National Party). The latter group pro- 
moted emigration to the United States and Palestine — two pro- 
grams defined as "great national factors destined to create two 
new centers of Judaism, one quantitatively powerful center in 
North America, and a smaller national center, but qualitatively, 
from the point of view of cultural purity, more valuable, in 



In September of 1911, Premier Stolypin was assassinated by a 
Jew named Bogrov in a Kiev theatre in the presence of the Czar 
and other officials of state. 

The Russian fleet was destroyed by the Japanese in Tsushima 
Straits May 27-29, 1905. The Treaty of Peace was signed at Ports- 
mouth, New Hampshire, September 5th of the same year. By the 
terms of this Treaty, Japan acquired Korea. 

President Theodore Roosevelt, who acted as intermediary, was 
very happy over Russia's defeat. "Between ourselves," he wrote 
to Theodore, Jr., "for you must not breathe it to anybody — I was 
thoroughly well pleased with the Japanese victory, for Japan is 
playing our game." 

'Teddy" was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1906 for ending 

the war. 


In recent years the Jews and their Gentile tools have made 
intensive efforts to play down the Jewish origin of communism 
and the part played by the Jews in the Russian Revolutions of 
1905 and 1917. It is not uncommon to read today that the role 
played by the Jews has been "highly exaggerated"; that the 
Czarist elements have sought to "blame" the Jews rather than 


the Russian people, and that the charges against the Jews gen- 
erally are the results of the "anti-Semitic" propaganda of the 
Nazis. Relying on the average person's lack of information on 
the subject, these apologists dishonestly point out that it was 
the Bolsheviks who made the revolution; that the Mensheviks — 
the Jewish element — were opposed to the Bolsheviks. The argu- 
ment is quite effective to those who do not even understand the 
terms, and have no idea of how they came into existence. The 
fact is that Lenin and Trotsky came back to Russia after the 
Czar had abdicated. The Mensheviks had carried on the initial 
stages of the Revolution. It was Lenin and his faction who snatched 
the victory and the power of government in 1917, and it was 
Lenin's talents for propaganda that established the myth of the 
Bolshevik victory. 

The fact that Jews, such as Martov and Axelrod, offered ideo- 
logical opposition to Lenin's program for party organization, did 
not make them less violent or less blood-thirsty than the Jews 
who supported Lenin in these mental exercises. It did not make 
any difference whether these Jews called themselves the ideological 
"minority" or the tactical "majority", they were revolutionary 
Marxists united for the destruction of Christendom. 

There was not a single radical or revolutionary movement in 
Russia, other than the Decembrists, that did not count Jewish 
intellectuals among its leaders. Of the group that assassinated 
Czar Alexander II, five were Jews. Deutsch and Axelrod were 
among the founders of Russian communism with Plekhanov and 
Zasulich. Martov (Tsederbaum), first a member of the Jewish 
Socialist Bund, came over with Lenin into the St. Petersburg 
League, and later became a Menshevik. The so-called "peasant" 
Social Revolutionary Party was almost totally Jewish in leader- 
ship. Among them were Gershuni, terrorist; Azev, chief of the 
terrorist section and police agent; Minor; Zhitlovsky, and the two 
international revolutionaries, Steinberg and Natanson. 

The Russian Revolution was as Jewish as its founder, Karl 
Marx. It was revolution of the Jews, by the Jews, and for the 

The beast with two horns — communism and Zionism — had done 
great wonders in the earth. It had brought the fire of revolution 
from the heavens in the sight of men, and the world trembeled! 



"THE POPULATION of the United States is made up of the people 
I of many nations. For the greater part, the immigrants who 
came here from foreign lands came with full intention of availing 
themselves of the freedoms, opportunities and the obligations of 
citizenship. In turning their backs on their native lands and facing 
the promises of the Constitution of the United States and its flag, 
they resolutely determined to leave old allegiances behind. They 
would become Americans in the fullest sense of the term. True, 
memories and love of the old land would linger throughout their 
lives. Old friends, loved ones left behind, and the customs, cultures 
and traditions of their ancient countries and peoples, would under- 
standably reoccur with bitter-sweet nostalgia. But these new- 
comers would become part of this new land of freedom; help 
build its vast reaches into a magnificent new civilization, lending 
the best of their culture, tradition and morality to the cement 
that would make the new edifice endure. Their children would 
become native Americans, and, under freedom and justice, they 
would help create a new culture, a new tradition — a distinctly 
unique homogeneity that would be called American. These immi- 
grants were to be the molders and builders of the United States. 

It was only the Jewish immigrants who were different. In shak- 
ing the dust of the lands of their birth from their shoes, they had 
no allegiance to abandon. The only sense of loyalty that stirred 
their minds was loyalty to the Jewish nation — and its members 
scattered everywhere. The Ashkenazic Jew had never owed alle- 
giance to the monarchs of middle Europe, any more than the 
Sepharalic Jews had owed loyalty to the governments of Spain 
and Portugal. The Khazar Jews, the sworn scourges of Russia, 
merely carried their embittered hatred of the Russian government 
with them as they passed through the ports of entry into the 
United States. Having no allegiance to abandon, they nursed 
their hatreds and clutched them to their breasts. Of course, there 
was Palestine, a country they had never seen! There was their 
loyalty! In taking the oath of allegiance to the United States, 
they mentally reserved their over-all allegiance to the Jewish 
nation. During their two thousand mile journey to the Messianic 
Age, there had been many temporary stop-overs. This strange 
land of naive freedom-loving people would be just another way- 
station; a place to rest; to gather strength — and then to journey 
on to their destiny. 
Armed with centuries of experience in bending governments to 



their will, the Jewish immigrants looked upon the political system 
of the United States as particularly made to their order. Presents, 
bribes, flattery, pressures — these ancient levers to power might, 
indeed, move the world, when applied to the democratic processes 
of the United States. The greed and ambitions of Gentile poli- 
ticians who must depend on money and votes for the attainment 
of their goals, are malleable alloys for the unique hammers of 
World Jewry. The vaunted "two-party" political system of this 
strange land of inexperience, offered the world-wise Jews a com- 
petitive market-place where they might openly sell their money 
and support for specific Jewish objectives to the highest political 
bidder. With increasing numbers and accumulative experience 
they soon learned that they might remake this remarkably naive 
land in their own image. The American people had become so 
thoroughly saturated with ideas of their freedoms that they had 
become incapable of judging between their own best interests 
in maintaining them, and granting license for their destruction. 
Under the heading of "religious freedom" a large determined 
minority might successfully destroy the basic religion that gave 
rise to the very concept of freedom. The transformation of the 
United States into a base for world-wide Jewish operations began 

with the arrival of the first ship load of Khazar Jews from Russia. 

The socialist movement in the United States may be said to 
have started with the arrival of the first Jewish revolutionaries 
fleeing the European police following the revolution of 1848. Most 
of these Marxists were Ashkanazic Jews from Germany. Among 
them were such men as William Weitling, Marx's disciple, who 
had been exiled from Germany for subversive and revolutionary 
activities. The United States threw open its hospitable arms, and, 
not only welcomed him, but provided him with a job as a clerk 
in the Bureau of Immigration in New York City! 

"The effects of the events of European history upon American 
development," states the Jewish Encyclopedia, "might be written 
almost entirely from the annals of Jewish immigration." 

Many of the Khazar immigrants found employment in New 
York's clothing industries, which were controlled by the Jews. 
Besides dominating the cotton trade, Jews were manufacturing 
shirts, clocks, cigars and jewelry. Many of the Russian and Polish 
Jewish immigrants became glaziers and cigar-makers. Others 
became peddlers, small shop-keepers, and proprietors of supply 
stores for peddlers. 

In 1889 Morris Hillquit and Joseph Barondess organized the 
United Hebrew Trades in New York City. At this time there were 
75,000 skilled Jewish laborers in the city, of whom two-thirds were 


Russian Jews. By the beginning of January, 1905, 20,970 Jews 
were members of unions, of which 15,582 were Russian Jews (fig- 
ures by Abraham Lippman, secretary of the Russian Hebrew 
Trades). A thousand Jews were enrolled in the Theatrical Musical 
Union. Many of the Jewish immigrants found employment in the 
silk factories of New Jersey, the machine shops of Connecticut, 
and the jewelry factories of Rhode Island. 

By 1905 Russian Jews were counted among the biggest real 
estate operators in New York. These Jewish realtors were largely 
responsible for Brownsville, the suburb of Brooklyn, and for a 
considerable portion of the Bronx on the Harlem River. 

At the turn of the century the Khazars had penetrated the 
professions. In 1905, in New York City alone, there were about 
400 physicians, 1,000 druggists, 300 dentists, 400 lawyers and 25 
architects, not to mention musicians and writers of popular songs. 
Many of them had found jobs in the city government, and teaching 
positions in the public schools. 

Beginning in 1885 Yiddish periodicals made their appearance. 
By 1905 six daily Yiddish newspapers printed in New York had a 
circulation of over 100,000. 


The first Jew settled in Chicago in 1837. By 1845 there were 
exactly ten male Jews in the city, just enough for the minyan. 
By 1935 the estimated Jewish population of Chicago was three 
hundred and twenty-five thousand. 

A few English Jews settled in Cincinnati prior to 1829. Many of 

the Ashkenazim flooding into the country from Germany after 

the 1848 revolutions also settled in Cincinnati. Memphis, St. Paul, 

Indianapolis, St. Louis, San Francisco, Portland, Oregon, and many 

other cities received a quota of the revolutionary "forty-eighters". 

Oscar S. Straus, Henry Morgenthau, Irving Lehman, Simon 

Wolf and Adolf Kraus, are some of the more prominent descendants 

of the German Jews who found haven in the United States after 



Simon Wolf (1836-1923) was born at Hinzweiler, Bavaria. He 
was twelve years of age when he came to the United States in 
1848. He attended the Ohio Law School and practiced law in 
Ohio and in Washington, D. C. President Hayes appointed him to 
the office of civil judge at Washington, from which he resigned 
to accept the post of consul-general of the United States to Egypt 
in 1881. 

Simon Wolf was extremely active in the Independent Order 
B'nai B'rith, holding the office of president from 1903 to 1905. He 
became an official spokesman-lobbyist for the Jews of the United 


States, and ultimately for the Jews of the world. As chairman of 
the Board of Delegates of Civil and Religious Rights, an exclu- 
sively Jewish organization, Wolf was responsible for much of 
United States policy on the Jewish question, not only within the 
borders of the United States, but throughout the world as well. 

The United States did not escape the early ideas of the Utopians 
and the milder sort of socialism that was associated with Chris- 
tianity. Similarly, the incipient idea of labor organization, later 
to be supplemented with the revolutionary doctrines of Marx and 
Lassalle, made an early appearance. 

The Working Men's Party was organized in 1829. Its members 
were called "Workies", and the party was referred to as the 
"Infidel Party", and the "Dirty Shirt Party". It had a few initial 
successes in industrial centers, such as Albany and Philadelphia. 
The president of the Carpenters' Union was elected to the New 
York State Assembly. One spokesman for the organization de- 
clared that "great wealth ought to be taken away from its pos- 
sessors on the same principle that a sword or pistol may be wrested 
from a robber." 

The "Party" did not last long. Its members were attracted to 
Andrew Jackson's "democracy". 

Albert Brisbane, father of the journalist Arthur Brisbane, was 
the son of a well-to-do landowner in New York State. He received 
a thorough education and traveled and studied extensively in 
Europe. While there he became acquainted with the works 
of Saint-Simon, and afterwards devoted much of his time and 
money to the propagation of Saint-Simon's views. He met Fourier 
in Paris in 1832, and studied the details of his system under Four- 
ier's personal direction. Returning to the United States Brisbane 
worked incessantly on behalf of Fourierism. In 1840, he published 
"Social Destiny of Man". The book was a reprint of passages 
from Fourier's works, accompanied by Brisbane's comments and 
illustrations. Horace Greeley became a Fourierian as soon as he 
finished reading Brisbane's book. In order to further publicize 
its theories Brisbane agreed to write a column a day on the 
subject for Greeley's New York Tribune. 

Greeley's "Associationists" was used as a vehicle for his social- 
istic ideas, and he soon involved some of the prominent people of 
the day in Fourierism through its medium. Parke Godwin, asso- 
ciate editor of the New York Post, was brought into the "inner 
circle", together with William Ellery Channing, Unitarian minister; 
Charles A. Dana, afterwards to become the editor of the New 
York Sun; George Ripley, later literary editor of the Tribune, and 
editor of the American Encyclopedia; John S. Dwight, and others. 


During the early forties Fourierism made considerable progress 
among the intellectuals in the United States. Numerous publica- 
tions appeared, devoted to the "new social philosophy". The anti- 
slavery movement gave impetus to it, and Fourier and his theories 
became subjects of public discussion everywhere. 

A convention of Fourier societies was held at Clinton Hall in 
New York City, April 4, 1844. George Ripley was elected president 
of the group. Horace Greeley, Albert Brisbane, Parke Godwin 
and Charles A. Dana were among the vice-presidents. A National 
Confederation of Associations was the agreed objective of the 
meeting, and a publication — Phalanx — was to be its official organ. 
Albert Brisbane was commissioned to keep in closer touch with 
the international movement. 

In the thirties a group, called the "Transcendental Club" by its 
critics, met at irregular intervals in Boston for the purpose of dis- 
cussing social and philosophical questions. William Ellery Chan- 
ning, George Ripley, Waldo Emerson, John S. Dwight, Margaret 
Fuller, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Henry Thoreau, and Elizabeth P. 
Peabody were among the members. Everything was discussed 
from religion to politics. Many of the members supported the 
claims and theories of the Utopian socialists, and advocated the 
establishment of colonies in order to prove or disprove them. 

Ripley, the Unitarian minister, anxious to submit these Utopian 
views to a test, resigned his post as a minister in 1840. He selected 
a 200-acre milk farm at West Roxbury, near Boston, for his ex- 
periment. A group of about twenty — including Ripley and his wife 
— Dwight, Hawthorne, and William Allen, were selected for the 
human element, and they all moved to the project. They called 
it "The Brook Farm Institute for Agriculture and Education". In 
1844, following the organization of the National Confederation of 
Associations, Brook Farm was launched as a full-fledged Fourier- 
istic experiment. It was renamed "Brook Farm Phalanx". The 
official publication of the Fourierists, The Harbinger, was trans- 
ferred to the Farm and placed in the editorial charge of Ripley, 
Dana and Dwight. 

By 1846 the Farm was beginning to prosper. The "experi- 
menters" were nearing the completion of their "unitary phalanx" 
building, when fire broke out and the building burned to the ground. 

The most important of the Fourieristic experiments was the 
"North American Phalanx" developed at Red Bank, New Jersey, 
in 1843. Ninety members with an investment of eight thousand 
dollars created a value of eighty thousand dollars by 1852. The 
project lasted for twelve years. Dissensions from within caused 
a sort of internal decay, and the members voted to dissolve after 
suffering a fire loss of twelve thousand dollars. 

All of the other projects failed almost from the start. The pro- 
ponents of the theories were discouraged. Morris Hillquit, however, 


was of the opinion that the amateur socialists had accomplished 
something. "On the whole," he wrote, "the communistic mode of 
life proved to be more conducive to the physical, moral, and intel- 
lectual welfare of man than the 'individualistic regime'." 

Meanwhile the Jews from Germany carried the revolutionary 
doctrines of Marx to the far sections of the United States. Amer- 
icans for the first time heard the "scientific" jargon of Marxism, 
and became gropingly familiar with such vague terms as the 
"proletariat", the "bourgeoisie", "dialectics", "materialism", and 
the "class-struggle". For the first time, from Jewish lips, they 
heard that "religion was the opium of the people". As is usual 
in such cases, it was the intellectual "bourgeoisie" that found these 
doctrines fascinating. The "workingman", for whom they were 
intended, showed amazingly little interest. The irreligious doc- 
trines found more sympathetic ears, strange as it may seem, in 
the "modern" circles of religion than among the masses of the 

To those clergymen who had toyed with Utopian experiments 
and who had advocated the marriage of socialism and Christianity, 
these strange new philosophies of "dialectic materialism" and 
"class consciousness" had a strange appeal. In time, William 
Montgomery Brown, member of the House of Bishops of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church and Fifth Bishop of Arkansas, would 
write a book entitled "Communism and Christianity", and would 
become a self-styled "Episcopus in Partibus Bolshevikium et In- 
fidelium". The cover of the book would bear the hammer and 
sickle and the slogan: "Banish God from Skies and Capitalists 
from Earth. " 

The Jewish peddlers from Germany carried Marxism in their 
knapsacks. It was the one commodity they were willing to give 
away to the unsuspecting Americans who were willing to accept 
the "gift". 

Horace Greeley's New York Tribune promoted the communistic 
European trend by hiring Karl Marx as a foreign correspondent. 
Greeley supported most of the "radical" movements of his time. 
He belonged to the Printers' Union; as a matter of fact, he was 
the union's first president. 

The right to strike in the United States was first established in 
1842, by a decision of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, written 
by Chief Justice Lemuel Shaw. 

The United States was the first country in the history of the 
world that granted the wandering Jew every right and privilege 
accorded its own citizens. Under the Constitution the naturalized 
Jew shared in the government, and became eligible to nearly 
every office within the gift of the people. The professions were 
open to him, and he might express his opinions in all the forums 


of the land without fear of reprisals. He could organize his fellow 
Jews for political, religious, educational or nearly any other pur- 
pose, or he might join with his Gentile neighbors in their organ- 
izations — if they would permit him to do so. Indeed, he might 
join with them in their political parties and in many other such 
public groups whether they liked it or not, but — so extreme were 
these Americans in their strange concepts of freedom — they had 
a right to accept or reject any one for any or no reason in their 
private societies and fraternities. This type of freedom, in Jewish 
thinking was quite reprehensible, and, in time it must be con- 
demned and shattered as "discrimination" and "anti-Semitism". 
These new-comers from their self-segregated communities of 
Europe, elated at standing straight and equal before the law 
of the United States, were infuriated when they found many private 
doors closed to them. The heady wine of freedom became so over- 
whelmingly intoxicating to the Jews that the two-way street of 
liberty became intolerable. It was not enough for the "Chosen 
People" to be merely equal; they must be supreme! 

Most galling of all was the inescapable fact that this new 
America was a Christian country! Here, as elsewhere in their 
wanderings, the Jews found great cathedrals and rural churches. 
Public ceremonies and legislative assemblies opened and closed 
their sessions with prayers that invoked, not only the blessings 
of God, but the compassion and intercession of His Son, Jesus 
Christ! Public schools emphasized the morality and doctrines of 
Christianity. Children sang carols at Christmas time, and scenes 
of the Nativity were important episodes in public Christmas cele- 
brations. On every hand, in political campaigns, in newspapers 
and other periodicals — the people were continually reminded that 
the founding fathers were Christians, and that that great Charter 
of Freedom, the Constitution of the United States, was a Chris- 
tian document. 

Within a few decades the Jews would change these native 
"Americanisms" and destroy these "Christological manifestations". 
They would Judaize this purported "Christian" nation. Oscar S. 
Straus would ultimately "prove" that the republican form of gov- 
ernment of the United States was actually founded on Judaism, 
and should more properly be considered "Jewish" in origin rather 
than Christian. ("The Origin of the Republican Form of Gov- 

With wealth, influence and freedom, the immigrant Jews became 
arrogant. To those who raised their voices in protest against the 
unrestricted flood of Jews into the country, the Jews retorted that 
all were immigrants or descendants of immigrants, and that the 
only real Americans were the Indians. Based on this untenable 
premise, American Jews contended that immigration of Jews into 


the United States was a right and not a privilege, and, amazing 
as it may seem, many protesting American voices were hushed. 

The Jewish people are probably the most intensely organized 
of all the nations of the world. The immigrants from Germany 
were particularly obsessed with ideas of organization, and they 
turned their hands to herding their fellow Jews into innumerable 
clubs, lodges, synagogues, societies and charities. All of these 
groups were, of course, strictly Jewish, and no Gentile was eligible 
to membership or participation. Jewish charity — which must be 
carefully distinguished from Christian charities — is exclusively 
for Jews. The basic idea of Jewish charity — again distinguishing 
it from the Christian philosophy — is the brotherhood of Israel in 
relation to the Covenant, the promjse of world domination. Chris- 
tian principles of compassion, regardless of race or creed, have 
no application to Jewish charity — which would permit a human 
being to drown if he were uncircumcised. The German Jews in 
America, away from their former ghettos, contrived a mental 
ghetto for their brethren in the Land of Freedom. 

On March 7, 1860, eight hundred women shoe-makers of Lynn, 
Massachusetts, went on strike for an increase in pay. To publi- 
cize their grievance they paraded through a snow-storm carrying 
parasols and wearing their best hoop-skirts. 

Striking mill girls captured their mill superintendent and ducked 
him under a pump. 


The sinister revolutionary virus of Marx and his Jewish disciples 
crept over the United States, slowly and almost imperceptibly in- 
fecting great masses of Americans. The irreligious fallacies 
spread out over the land destroying the roots and seeds of faith; 
shriveling with the corroding breath of doubt the strong vines of 
two thousand years. Like an invisible vaporous poison it silently 
invaded the class-rooms of American schools to over-power the 
reason of those who taught the young; penetrated the ivory 
towers of universities and colleges to befuddle the learned; curled 
quietly and unseen about the pulpit to cloud the mind of the min- 
ister so that he suddenly lashed out at the pillars of his faith. 
One by one the great champions and defenders of the faith dropped 
from sight and their voices were finally hushed. In the legislative 
halls of the nation, where the paralyzing vapors found their way, 
strange and fearful proposals made their appearance. Politicians 
stopped talking about "our Christian nation" and Christian min- 
isters were suddenly self-conscious if they mentioned "Christ" in 
their public prayers. The body-politic of the United States gradu- 
ally succumbed to the paralyzing Jewish virus sweeping into the 
country from the unchecked gates on Ellis Island. 


History records that the great majority invariably absorbs the 

minority. This has been true of every Gentile migration among 

Gentile nations, but its great exception has been the failure of 

great Gentile populations to absorb its Jewish minority. This fact 

with its notable exception is universally recognized. The Jewish 

migration to the United States, however, from 1848 on, was to 

reveal an amazing deviation from the general rule. The Jewish 

minority appears to be absorbing the overwhelming majority. 

Within a hundred years America would be Judaized beyond Karl 

Marx's wildest dream. 


Carl Schurz (1829-1906), German revolutionist, was born in 
Liblar, near Cologne. He attended Bonn University where he was 
exposed to the socialist theories of Marx. He assisted Gottfried 
Kinkel in editing the Bonner Zeitung. He took up arms in the 
revolution of 1848. He escaped to Zurich when Rastatt surrendered. 
In 1850 he secretly returned to Germany and rescued Kinkel from 
prison and helped him escape to Scotland. Schurz went to Paris. 
The police compelled him to leave France and he found refuge in 
London. In 1852 he migrated to the United States, and lived for 
a while in Philadelphia. 

In Watertown, Wisconsin, he became a prominent leader in the 
Republican Party. He began the practice of law in Milwaukee. 
In the Republican national conventoin of 1860 this disciple of 
Marx was the chairman of the Wisconsin delegation. Lincoln ap- 
pointed him minister to Spain in 1861. Returning to the United 
States in January, 1862, he was commissioned a brigadier-general. 
In 1869-1875 he was United States Senator from Missouri. He 
broke with the administration in 1870, and started the Liberal Re- 
publican Party movement in Missouri. 


Isaac Mayer Wise was born in Bohemia in March, 1819. He came 
to the United States in 1846, an ordained rabbi. He became the 
rabbi at the Jewish community in Albany, New York, where he 
lived for eight years. 

Through Isaac Leeser, publisher of the Occident, Wise reached 
a wide audience of American Jews. He urged the "need for 
progress in ideas," the need for rabbis trained in the United 
States, and for a union of America Jews to provide a college for 
rabbinical training. 

In 1854 Wise took over the Congregation Bene Yeshurun at Cin- 
cinnati. Here he founded the Israelite, published in English, and 
a German language paper, Deborah. In 1871 the foundations for 
the Union of American Hebrew Congregations was laid, largely 
through the efforts of Isaac Wise. Four years later the Hebrew 
Union College was opened. 


Before he died in 1900, Wise had completed an over-all molding 
device for American Jewry, thus insuring the perseverance of the 
"Jewish nation" myth and the fiction of the "mission of Israel", 
irrespective of the various shades and degrees of orthodox and 
reformed Judaism. He had established a union of congregations, 
a college for rabbi training, and a rabbinical conference. Jewry 
would not lose its Jewishness in America. 


Corruption swept the Congress of the United States. Credit 
Mobilier of America, a railroad construction company building the 
Union Pacific railroad, invaded Washington. Big business lobbies 
became more powerful than Congress itself. It is reported that 
Collis P. Huntington of the Central Pacific Railroad spent from 
two hundred thousand to a half million dollars during every ses- 
sion of Congress, "barely out-bribing his rivals". Congressman 
Oakes Ames was said to be the chief lobbyist and pay-off man for 
Credit Mobilier.. By virtue of Credit Mobilier's efforts the United 
States Treasury was some twenty-three million dollars short. Oakes 
Ames is alleged to have bribed his fellow congressmen with free 
stock, which paid as high as 625 percent dividends in a year. 
Among those who are said to have received Credit Mobilier stock 
was Congressman James Brooks, the Democratic leader. White 
House Secretary Orville Babcock was accused of participating 
in the two and one-half million dollar whiskey tax fraud, and 
War Secretary William Belknap was charged with having received 
$25,000.00 in bribes from Indian store-keepers. Even the Vice- 
President of the United States, Schuyler Colfax, is reported to have 
received a bribe for blocking the investigation of Credit Mobilier 
and its operations. 

Uriah S. Stevens is said to be the founder of the Noble Order 
of the Knights of Labor (1871). In the beginning its membership 
was limited to tailors. Members of other crafts were eligible to 
membership later. By 1876 there were more than a hundred affil- 
iated "assemblies". The membership is said to have been over 
80,000 in 1878, and 700,000 in 1886. 

The Knights of Labor was a secret society. Even its name was 
not made public, being designated by five asterisks, which caused 
it to be spoken of as the "society of the Five Stars". Many people 
became alarmed at some of its activities. Certain Jewish cabal- 
istic signs appearing in a public place would summon hundreds 
of workingmen. Both Catholic and Protestant clergymen were 
aroused over the mystery that surrounded the organization, and 
spoke in public against it. 

The Society had an unwritten ritual. When public antipathy 
and hostility became general, a partial removal of the injunction 
to secrecy was lifted, which appeased the public to some extent. 


Women were admitted thereafter. In 1883 Negroes became eligible. 
In 1886 the organization boasted of over a million members. 

It disappeared as suddenly and mysteriously as it had come into 


Daniel De Leon (1852-1914) was born on the Island of Curacao. 
He was educated in Germany and the Netherlands. He came to 
the United States in 1872 and edited a Spanish newspaper in New 
York City. He studied law at Columbia University, and practiced 
for a time after receiving his degree in 1876. He lectured at Col- 
umbia University (1883-1889) on Latin-American diplomacy. He 
joined the Knights of Labor in 1888. He became active in Edward 
Bellamy's "Nationalist" movement in 1889, and the Socialist Labor 
Party in 1890. He was a Socialist Labor candidate for governor 
of New York in 1891. He was the editor of the Socialist Labor 
weekly, "The People". 

De Leon was an inflexible Marxian doctrinaire and revolutionary. 
He was one of the founders of the Industrial Workers of the 
World (1905), but he was later expelled with his particular fol- 
lowers (1908). He then organized a rival group, the Workers' 

International Industrial Union, which was dissolved in 1925. 

The Independent Order B'Nai B'rith (Sons of the Covenant) 
indicated its international character after the close of the Civil 
War. Aside from its foreign lodges, its central theme was clearly 
revealed as Jewish nationalism, and its activities on behalf of 
international Jews completely divorced it from Americana. The 
American citizenship of its members simultaneously supplied a 
shield and a sword for its activities. The "sword" was its political 
power as a voting bloc in the great centers of population, and its 
"shield" was the First Amendment to the Constitution. Under 
the guise of "religious freedom" the organization launched poli- 
tical attacks upon foreign governments fighting off their own 
Jewish revolutionaries, and urged venal congressmen and public 
officials to intervene in the name of "religious" tolerance. Its 
influence and power grew with the passing years. Its contact with 
its foreign lodges extended its influence into foreign governments 
where the Jewish members played the age-old "back-stair" dip- 
lomacy and exercised their terrible power of the purse. 

The B'nai B'rith was destined to operate the most powerful ter- 
roristic gestapo the United States has ever known — the Anti-Defam- 
ation League 

In New York City corruption ruled the Democratic Party under 
the rapacious direction of "Boss" William Marcy Tweed and Tam- 
many Hall. It is estimated that Tweed and a few Tammany in- 
siders stole seventy-five million dollars from the city in two years. 
Between 1865 and 1871 the total theft is estimated to be as high 


as two hundred million. Tweed is said to have bribed everybody, 

including the Governor, the legislature, the Mayor of New York 

City, and countless lesser officials. In 1869 he was able to force 

all contractors doing business with the city to add one hundred 

percent to their bills, and hand back the overcharge in cash to 

Tweed and his associates. The percentage was raised as Tweed 

became more greedy. 


The Liberal Republicans nominated Horace Greeley for President 
in 1872, and the Democrats endorsed him. Greeley's campaign slo- 
gan was "Turn the Rascals Out". The radical press, of which he had 
long been the leader, turned on him. Suddenly he was an "accom- 
plice of Jeff Davis, the Ku Klux Klan, and 'Boss' Tweed". Gree- 
ley's career had been one of varied promotions. He had given 
his support to prohibition, spiritualism, socialism, free soil, Repub- 
licanism, labor unions, the Civil War, reconciliation with the South 
and innumerable lesser causes. 

The Wall Street panic came in 1873. 

The men who ran the United States of America, established its 
policies, made its laws, and enforced them, through panics and 
prosperity, made more money between 1865 and 1900 than any 
similar number of men so placed had ever made before. 

On July 16, 1877 the railroad workers went on strike against 
the Baltimore and Ohio. The strike started at Martinsburg, West 
Virginia, and spread to Baltimore. Twelve people were killed by 
the Maryland militia. The strike spread to Pittsburgh. Fifty-seven 
strikers, soldiers and rioters were killed in a pitched battle, and 
three million dollars worth of railroad property, including 126 
locomotives, was destroyed. The nation's railroad traffic stopped. 
President Hayes sent United States troops into Maryland, West Vir- 
ginia, Pennsylvania, Illinois and Missouri, and the strike came 
to an end. It was the bloodiest labor disturbance the United States 
had ever experienced. 


Victor L. Berger (1860-1929), Austrian born Jew, came to the 
United States in 1878. He was a follower of Eduard Bernstein 
(Engels' old associate), and Karl Johann Kautsky (champion of 
Marxism and Engels' private secretary). He became editor of 
the Milwaukee Daily Vorwaerts (1892-1898), the Social-Democratic 
Herald (1900), and the Milkwaukee Leader (Socialist daily news- 
paper — after 1911). In 1924 Berger, with Morris Hillquit, sup- 
ported Robert M. La Follette for president. He was a delegate 
to the International Socialist Congress at Marseilles, France, in 
1925, representing the American Socialist Party. After 1927 he 
became the chairman of the National Executive Committee of the 
Socialist Party. 


He died August 7, 1929 from injuries received in a street-car 

Morris Hillquit (1869-1933), was a Jewish immigrant from Latvia. 
He became a lawyer and practiced in New York City from 1893. 
He joined the Socialist Party in 1888 and soon became one of the 
most prominent leaders in the movement in the United States. He 
was an unsuccessful candidate for Mayor of the City of New York 
in 1917. 

Joseph Barondess, a Russian Jew, was a radical labor leader, 
and worked closely with Hillquit and the Russian Jew Abraham 
Cahan. All of these radical leaders spoke and wrote Yiddish and 
English, and exercised considerable influence on the immigrant 
Jew and the left-wing Gentile. Cahan was the editor of Forward, 
a socialist labor Yiddish publication that enjoyed a circulation of 
150,000 copies a day. Hillquit is the author of a History of Social- 
ism in the United States. 

The Socialist Labor Party was organized in 1877. Its first presi- 
dential campaign polled 21,512 votes in six states. In 1898 it totaled 

The Socialist Labor Party split in the late nineties, when Daniel 
De Leon, who headed the party, insisted on organizing industrial 
unions to compete with the American Federation of Labor. His 
syndicalist ideas were ultimately realized by the C. I. O. (Congress 
of Industrial Organizations.) Morris Hillquit, Job Harriman, and 
others, held out for the primary Marxian principle of boring from 
within existing organizations, thus anticipating William, Z. Fos- 
ter's T. U. U. L. (Trade Union Unity League) by quite a few years. 
Both tactics are communistic; the "one big union" theory being 

the ultimate objective after the conquest of the trade unions. 

The first Jewish labor union was organized in 1877. The clothing 
industry attracted the Jewish immigrants, primarily because it 
was almost exclusively in the hands of Jews, and Jewish manu- 
facturers naturally gave the Jewish worker preference over the 

The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America is almost ex- 
clusively Jewish, as is the International Ladies' Garment Workers. 
Neither organization is affiliated with the American Federation 
of Labor or the Congress of Industrial Organizations.. The Jew- 
ishness of these two groups is indicated by their schemes of inter- 
nal organization. They maintain schools, health centers, banks, 
welfare and social plans, and provide recreational programs, so 
that the ghetto life of its members is almost complete. 

Sidney Hillman a socialistic left-wing Russian Jew, led the 
Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America from the beginning. 
His record of communistic fellow-traveling is too long to set forth 


here, but may be found in the reports of the congressional and 
other legislative investigating committees on un-American activi- 
ties. The extent of his sinister influence in American politics and 
the United States government is summed up in the pass-word that 
came out of the Democratic Convention that nominated Franklin 
D. Roosevelt for his last term, and Harry S. Truman as his run- 
ning mate: "Clear it with Sidney!" 


The Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America is an outgrowth 
of the United Garment Workers of America, the original organiza- 
tion, and an affiliate of the American Federation of Labor. At the 
Nashville convention of the United Garment Workers in October 
of 1914, a number of Socialist delegates were excluded. They im- 
mediately constituted themselves a separate convention, elected 
a general executive board with Sidney Hillman as general secre- 
tary. The locals of the United in Chicago, Rochester, Baltimore 
and New York City, most of which were adherents of Jewish 
Socialism and members of the Socialist Party of America, ratified 
the action of the rebel group under Hillman and left the United 
Garment Workers. The Hillman group attempted to retain the 
original name of the organization, and petition the American Fed- 
eration of Labor in convention at Philadelphia for affiliation. The 
petition was denied. The new name, Amalgamated Clothing 
Workers of America, was adopted in a special convention held 
at New York City in December, 1914. 

The Khazar Jews of Russia had not changed their inborn hatred 
of all things non-Jewish by merely moving to the Land of the 
Free and the Home of the Brave. Meeting in convention in New 
York City the Jewish delegates of the new Amalgamated did not 
hesitate to declare their intentions against the government that 
had so readily succored them. "Every oppressed class in history," 
they said, echoing the Communist Manifesto, "achieved its eman- 
cipation only upon its attaining economic supremacy. The same 
law operates also in the struggle between capital and labor. The 
industrial and inter-industrial organization built upon the solid 
rock of clear knowledge and class-consciousness will put the organ- 
ized working class in actual control of the system of production, 
and the working class will then be ready to take possession of it." 

Hillman's pro-Communist leanings are clearly expressed in his 
proclamation calling on the Jews of the Amalgamated to parti- 
cipate in the May Day demonstration held in New York City in 
1917. "And just at this time," he exalts, "freedom has scored her 
greatest triumph in the successful Russian revolution. Czardom 
lies buried in its own filth. Democracy and freedom are now en- 
throned in the great Russian Empire . . . it is . . . for the purpose 
of giving full expression to our joy over the birth of freedom 
in Russia, that the May Day celebration of this year must be such 


as to send a message of warning to our murder-loving masters 
and a message of hope and encouragement to our fellow-workers 

The American Federation of Labor came into existence in 1881, 
confederating a quarter of a million craft union members. 

Samuel Gompers, an English Jew, became its president, a posi- 
tion he held for forty years until his death. He was born in 
England in 1850 and died in 1924. He was a cigar-maker by trade. 
He first organized the cigar-makers, and then turned his attention 
to the creation of a national central labor body, which ultimately 
became the American Federation of Labor. 

While Gompers was ethnically a Jew, his work and thinking 
separates him from the rest of his people. He was deeply inter- 
ested in the problems of the workers, and there is not much evi- 
dence to indicate that he looked with preference on the Jewish 
workers. For forty years he appears to have worked honestly 
and sincerely on behalf of the American workingman without 
regard or concern for his religious or ethnic origin. He stands 
out singularly free of the dual loyalties of the Jewish immigrant. 

His Americanism, in spite of the Marxian and Lassallian origin 
and background of the labor movement, is etched with bold strokes 
against the revolutionary internationalism of his fellow Jews. His 
conception of labor organizations was refreshingly American. 
Much of his great energy throughout his forty years of leadership 
was expended in repelling the Jewish-socialist onslaughts that 
would have captured the Federation for revolutionary purposes. 
Every effort of the radicals within the organization to convert 
the movement into a political party for socialist purposes was 
promptly and ultimately defeated by the little Jewish labor leader 
from England. His patriotism for the land of his adoption, his 
meticulous policy in avoiding involvement of the Federation in the 
bitter controversies of partisan politics; and his abhorrence of 
communism won great respect for the organization he headed. 
Unquestionably the policies he adopted and successfully followed 
advanced the legitimate cause of the workers. 

After all, Gompers had escaped the mental chains of the Talmud. 

On May 1, 1886, three hundred and forty thousand union mem- 
bers responded to an eight hour work stoppage. On the 3rd of 
May a man was killed and several wounded at the Chicago McCor- 
mack Harvester plant. On May 4th a mass meeting of union 
men was held in Haymarket Square in Chicago. Of the three 
thousand assembled many were socialists and anarchists who 
controlled some of the unions. Many of these revolutionists had 
supported and helped elect Mayor Carter Harrison, who was 


present at the meeting. The Mayor stayed through part of the 
affair, and then left for his home. 

One Samuel Fielden climbed on the speaker's wagon and ad- 
dressed the throng. "You have nothing more to do with the law," 
he cried. "Throttle it, kill it, stab it; do everything you can to wound 
it ..." A round, cast-iron, dynamite-filled bomb with a long 
sputtering fuse hurtled through the air to explode in the midst of 
a group of policemen. Eight people were killed and sixty-seven 

The assassin's bomb had accompanied the Khazar revolution- 
ists from Russia, and made its first horrible appearance in Chicago. 

August Spies, Adolph Fischer, George Engels, and Albert Richard 
Parsons were tried and convicted for the crime. They were hanged 
on November 11, 1887. The socialists contended that the men were 
innocent, and that they had been "railroaded" by Melville E. 
Stone of the Chicago Daily News. 

Three of the convicted men were foreign-born (Germany) and 

were confessed anarchists. The fourth, Albert Richard Parsons, 

was American-born. He had moved to Chicago from Galveston 

in 1873 where he had become interested in socialism and had 

joined the printers' union. Ultimately he became an anarchist. 

In a little paper he published, he echoed the program of Johann 

Most and Lev Hartman as set forth in the "principles" of their 

International Revolutionary Congress: "Workingmen of America," 

he wrote, "learn the manufacture and use of dynamite. It will 

be your most powerful weapon . . ." 


The Haymarket bombing did not find a chord of response in 
the thinking of the vast majority of the American people, and the 
reaction against labor unions became pronounced. Marx, Lassalle, 
dynamite, anarchy and Russian nihilism came sharply into focus 
in the public mind. Yet, every ship from Europe carried capacity 
loads of revolutionary Khazars into the Port of New York, and 
units of the Jewish Socialist Bund came into existence wherever 
American industry had established its factories. 

The Noble Order of the Knights of Labor, which had boasted 
of seven hundred thousand members, began to disintegrate. 

Henry George, the "single taxer", ran for Mayor of New York 
City, and polled 68,110 votes. 

The Second or Socialist International was organized at Paris in 

1889. Its headquarters was established at Brussels, Belgium in 

1890. The Socialist parties of the world were affiliated with it. 
The German and Russian Social Democratic parties, which were 
the most important by virtue of ideological leadership, gave im- 
petus to the world-wide revolutionary character of the movement. 


Friederich Engels, August Bebel, Karl Kautsky, and G. V. Plek- 
hanov were the recognized leaders. 

This second attempt to coordinate world-wide revolt was to last 
until the beginning of World War I, It would ultimately be re- 
placed by the Third or Communist International, which would be 

known as the Comintern. 


The years intervening between the dissolution of the First Inter- 
national and the formation of the Second in 1889, were years of 
intense educational work on the part of the Marxists for the 
cause of communism. During this period a new generation of 
socialist leaders were recruited and trained. Communist theorists 
bad ultimately concluded that successful revolution was impossible 
without powerful links with the working masses. 

In the final analysis it is the working class that must fight and 
die on the barricades if communism is to be victorious. The re- 
sulting revolutionary program, therefore, called for a proletarian 
army that would be willing to sacrifice itself in the cause of 
destruction. Fortunately — for the communist leaders — the program 
did not call for the education of the masses. On the contrary, 
it called for Marxian education of the communist leaders in psy- 
chological formulas and their application to historical events for 
the purpose of moving the masses of the workers to sustained acts 
of revlutionary violence. The leaders of the revolution were to 
make up the "general staff" of the movement — the Marxian "van- 
guard" of the proletarian "army". Only the general staff was to 
concern itself with the tactics and strategy of the war. The prob- 
lem was how to move the blind masses of faceless men toward the 
pre-determined objectives of communism? 

Babel and Leibknecht in Germany and Jaures and Guesde in 
France, worked incessantly in the labor organizations of the two 
countries establishing the necessary connecting rods between the 
"vanguard" and the proletariat. 

Marx had been dead for six years when the Second International 
was born, yet it more completely expressed his diabolical doctrines 
than did the First International. 

In the middlewest the Brotherhood of the Cooperative Common- 
wealth was organized by J. A. Wayland, editor of The Coming 
Nation, (afterwards the Appeal to Reason). The Commonwealth 
vigorously espoused a "colonization" plan. Its members eventually 
joined with the remnants of the American Railway Union, under 
the leadership of Eugene V. Debs, and formed the Social Democracy 
of America.. At its first convention in 1898, the majority of the 
delegates favored concentration on a plan for "colonization". The 
minority withdrew and organized the Social Democratic Party of 
America. Eugene V. Debs, Victor L. Berger and Seymour Stedman, 


among others, were elected to the Executive Committee of the 
latter organization. 

Between 1860 and 1890 ten million immigrants had entered the 
United States to share, as Jefferson had predicted, "the legislation 
with us." 

Quietly and unobtrusively, in the beginning, schools for the 
systematic dissemination of authentic revolutionary propaganda 
came secretly into existence. The first objective of the instructors 
of these informal classes was the utter destruction of the moral 
fiber of the students. Immature boys and girls were the most 
"eligible" scholars, and the first lessons were designed to eliminate 
respect for moral tradition, law and order. This was usually 
accomplished by example in the field of sex. Boys and girls up 
to the age of eleven were made to dress and bathe in common, 
and great stress was laid upon the explanation of the sex functions 
in classrooms where the girls and boys were herded together. 

Such a school, the Ferrer or Modern School, was uncovered by 
the Joint Legislative Committee of the State of New York Inves- 
tigating Seditious Activities in 1919. J. Isaacson, Harry Kelly and 
Leonard D. Abbott were the men who directed the institution. The 
school had been established by the Jewess Emma Goldman and 
Alexander Berkman in 1910, and was named after Francisco Ferror 
who was executed in Spain. 

Sex teaching in the high schools of the United States has become 
a "must", high on the "progressive educational" lists of American 
educators. When sex discipline is completely destroyed the United 
States will be ready for world government. 

The Zionist Organization of America was formed in 1897. Richard 
Gottheil of Columbia University was its first president, and Rabbi 
Stephen S. Wise was the first secretary. Branches, or affiliates for 
women (Hadassah), and children (Young Judea) were soon organ- 
ized to supplement the work of the parent group. Louis D. Bran- 
deis served as president of the Z. O. A. before his elevation to the 
Supreme Court of the United States. Judge Julian Mack and Louis 
Lipsky were important members of the organizatoin. Lipsky also 
served as a member of the world Executive Committee. 

The Labor Zionist Organization of America (Poole Zion) was 
organized in 1907 by the members of the Jewish Socialist Bund. 
Its "American" objectives were the support of labor and "pro- 
gressive" forces in Palestine. Its publications are the Jewish 
Frontier, Labor Zionist, and Yiddisher Kemfer. 

Mizrachi Organization of America (1911), seeks to rebuild Israel 
as a Jewish commonwealth in the spirit of Judaism. The organ- 
ization publishes the Jewish Outlook and Mizrachi Weg. 

The United Labor Zionst Party (Achdut Haavodah Poole Zion) 


was created in 1920. Its members work to establish a "demo- 
cratic" socialist order in Israel, and to strengthen the Jewish 
labor movement in the United States. Its organ is Unzer-Veg. 

Thus it was, long before their cruel aggression, that the Jews 
of America planned the future government of the state they would 
build in Palestine once they had forcibly wrenched the land from 
its rightful owners. These organizations were just a beginning. 
They would multiply in numbers and members as the Jews took 
over America and grew wealthy. The hordes of Khazars whose 
forefathers never trod the Holy Land, were the most zealous of 
the Zionists. The Sephardic and Ashkenazic Jews, having found 
the United States agreeable, had been on the verge of accepting 
it as the "promised land" and contenting themselves with a 
spiritual Zionism. Their good intentions, however, were literally 
smothered by the aggressive fugitives from Russia's secret police. 
They were torn from their lethargic "Americanism" and rudely 
launched into a new crusade for Palestine and the conquest of 
the world. The Khazar Jews of the Jewish Socialist Bund became 
the leaders of American Jewry. 

The panic-depression of 1893 swept the country. Henry Clay 

Frick, chairman of the Carnegie Steel Company, was shot by an 

anarchist at Pittsburgh. 


Coxey's "Army" marched in 1894. Carl Browne, "General" Jacob 
S. Coxey and his son, "Legal Tender" Coxey, led the motley mob 
in its trek to Washington. Senator William Alfred Peffer, Populist 
of Kansas, introduced the Coxey "bills" in Congress. The "Army" 
reached Washington April 26th. President Cleveland and the 
members of Congress refused to see the "General". 

The Jewish leaders of the revolutionary movement were quick 
to recognize in the Negroes of America a powerful potential 
weapon. Applying the principles of "minority appeal", so success- 
fully used in their own behalf, they embarked on a program of 
provoking "class consciousness" among the black populations of 
the United States. It was an easy transition from the false cry 
of "religious" persecution to discrimination because of color. Where 
the Jewish propagandists had formerly employed the charge of 
"anti-Semitism" they now screamed "anti-Negro". In the larger 
cities where both Negroes and Jews rubbed shoulders the Propa- 
ganda of Marx and Lassalle crossed the color-line. The Jew, the 
chosen of Jehovah, had less respect for the Negro than he did 
for the white Gentile, whom he despised, and his earliest efforts at 
recruiting this product of American slavery was hesitant and re- 
luctant. The rise of the Communist Party of America would bring 


a flood of activity in this field of agitation, but the earliest efforts 
were not quite wasted. 

A statement written by W. A. Domingo, editor of the "Emanci- 
pator", contains the following excerpts: 

American radicals "must have specially prepared propa- 
ganda showing negroes how they as a group are likely to 
benefit and improve their social and economic status by any 
radical change in the present economic system . . . Induce 
intelligent negroes to attend radical meetings and to become 
members of radical organizations . . ." 

It was some time later that the Marxian propagandist started 
writing the word "Negro" with a capital "N". 

During the Civil War the Republicans had passed a federal 
income tax law, and the Supreme Court had promptly ruled that 
it was unconstitutional. In June of 1894, the Democrats in Con 
gress enacted a two percent tax on four thousand dollars or more. 
Congressman David A. De Armond of Missouri declared that 'the 
passage of the bill will mark the dawn of a brighter day." Senator 
Sherman denounced the bill as "socialism, communism, and devil- 
ism". He might have found its text in Marx's Communist Mani- 
festo. Joseph H. Choate, the dean of the New York Bar, told 
the United States Supreme Court that the tax was "a communist 
march on private property." The Court held the bill unconstitu- 
tional on May 20, 1895. Justice Stephen J. Field from California 
(appointed by Lincoln) wrote the majority opinion. Justice John 
M. Harlan denounced the opinion as a "monstrous, wicked injus- 
tice to the many for the benefit of the favored few," and the New 
York World called it "another victory of greed over need." 

Marx laid down his principal postulate in the Communist Mani- 
festo.. "The history of all past society," he declares, "has con- 
sisted in the development of class antagonisms, antagonisms that 
assumed different forms at different epochs . . . The Communist 
revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional property- 
relations; no wonder that its development involves the most radi- 
cal rupture with traditional ideas." Having created his basic 
premise, he proceeds to the heart of the problem. "The first step 
in the revolution by the working class," he says, "is to raise the 
proletariat to the position of ruling class, to win the battle of 
democracy." And how is this to be accomplished? 'The pro- 
letariat," he answers, "will use its political supremacy, to wrest by 
degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instru- 
ments of production in the hands of the State, i. e., of the pro- 
letariat organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total 
of productive forces as rapidly as possible." 

In the beginning, Marx points out, "despotic inroads on the 
rights of property are absolutely necessary." Such "inroads" will 


"outstrip themselves", necessitating "further inroads upon the old 
social order." He then sets up a ten point program for the des- 
truction of the "most advanced countries." The second point of 
this program calls for "a heavy progressive or granduated income 

The politicians of the United States ultimately wrote this com- 
munist plank into the Constitution of the United States! It is 
officially the Sixteenth Amendment. 


In 1900 the Socialist Democratic Party and the Socialist Labor 
Party came to a temporary agreement and nominated Debs for 
president and Job Harriman for vice-president. They polled 97,730 

On July 29, 1901, at a convention held in Indianapolis, delegates 
representing the various Socialist organizations (except the New 
York faction of the Socialist Labor Party) formed the Socialist 
Party of America. It was not a "party" in any real American 
sense. It was an international membership organization, admit- 
ting children and aliens into its group. The affairs of the "party" 
were under the iron direction of a Central Committee. Patriotism 
for the United States, or any other country, was condemned. "The 
only struggle which would justify the workers in taking up arms," 
the Party declared, "is the great struggle of the working class of 
the world to free itself from economic exploitation and political 

Victor L. Berger, the Jewish Socialist leader, writing in the 
"Social Democratic Herald" of Milwaukee (July 31, 1909) undoubt- 
edly expressed the sentiments of the members of the Jewish Social- 
ist Bund who had found refuge in free America. Said the "grate- 
ful' Berger: 

"No one will claim that I am given to the reciting of 'revo- 
lutionary' phrases. On the contrary, I am known to be a 'con- 
structive' Socialist. 

"However, in view of the plutocratic lawmaking of the 
present day, it is easy to predict that the safety and hope of 
this country will finally lie in one direction only — that of a 
violent and bloody revolution. 

"Therefore, I say, each of the 500,000 Socialist voters and of 
the 2,000,000 workingmen who instinctively incline our way, 
should, beside doing much reading and still more thinking, 
also have a good rifle and the necessary rounds of ammuni- 
tion in his home and be prepared to back up his ballot with 
his bullets if necessary." 

Morris Hillquit became the acknowledged leader of the Social- 
ist movement in the United States. While he recognized the com- 
munist leadership of such Jewish "intellectuals" as Rosa Luxem- 
burg, Fritz Ader, and Trotsky, he advocated socialism as the 
"political and spiritual guide of the working class". 


A "unity convention" of the socialists was held in Indianapolis 

in 1901, out of which came the Socialist Party. It polled 402,000 

votes for its presidential nominee in 1904; 424,000 votes in 1908; 

897,011 in 1912; 585,113 in 1916, and 919,799 in 1920. Allen L. 

Benson was its 1916 candidate. 


The socialist movement in the United States, because of the 
immigration from Poland and Russia, is more closely affiliated 
with the Leninistic brand of Marxism than with the socialist move- 
ment in England. While the United States received many of the 
revolutionaries of 1848, their particular socialism was lost in the 
flood of violent Marxism that swept into the United States with 
the Khazar Jews of Russia. This does not mean that socialism has 
not been radical in this country from the very beginning. Aside 
from "Utopian" and milder "Christian" forms, it has been dis- 
tinctly revolutionary. There have been (and still are, for that 
matter) innumerable "social reformers", and this group is sus- 
ceptible of several logical divisions. Some of these "reformers" 
are of the Fabian type; real socialists who are in no hurry for 
what they consider the "inevitableness" of socialism. They ad- 
vance "reforms" on the theory that the capitalist system is weak- 
ened by the acceptance of such compromises. The Bismarck type 
"reformer" is not a socialist in any sense. He advances "reforms" 
on the theory that he weakens the revolutionary fervor by accept- 
ing some of its lesser demands. A third category includes neither 
the demagogue nor the revolutionary. He is akin to the Utopians 
and the Christian Socialist. A fourth type is the political oppor- 
tunist. He accepts and supports whatever he believes will advance 
his own ambitions. 

The revolutionary socialist was opposed to "reformism", until 
after 1900, and the "reformists", in their movements, were usually 
heavily out-voted in socialist Congresses. The most out-spoken 
revolutionists had usually been their nominees for public offices- 
such as Eugene V. Debs, who carried the Red Flag in every presi- 
dential campaign, except one, until his death. 

The Milwaukee Socialists set the "reformist" course before 
1900. Victor Berger was their "leader", in the full sense of the 
"leader" concept. "If Socialism is to become positive," he said, 
"it must conduct the every day fight for the practical revolution 
of every day." 

In explaining the Bernstein doctrine Berger said: "Others con- 
demn every reform which is to precede the 'Great Revolution' . . . 
Nothing can be more absurd . . . Progress is not attained by simply 
waiting for a majority of people, for the general reconstruction, 
for the promised hour of deliverance. . . . We want to reconstruct 
society, and we must go to work without delay, and work cease 
lessly for the cooperative Commonwealth, the ideal of the 


future. But we want to change conditions now. We stand for 
scientific socialism." 

After 1900 there was a change in socialist sentiment toward re- 
formism. When Senator La Follette entered the political arena 
(1904) he was perhaps the most effective demagogue yet to appear 
on the American scene. Berger classed him with William Jennings 
Bryan as a "visionary" — personally honest and politically dis- 
honest. "An insurgent," said Berger, "is sixty percent of old dis- 
gruntled politician, thirty percent clear hypocrisy, nine percent 
nothing, and one percent Socialism. Put in a bottle and shake 
well before using and you will have a so-called 'progressive'." 

Both Berger and Hillquit later supported La Follette for presi- 
dent. In his book "Socialism in Theory and Practice," Hillquit 
says: "A Socialist reform must be in the nature of a working- 
class conquest." 

On January 1, 1919, Hillquit hailed the new year as "the turning 
point in human history." He sent "New Year" greetings to revo- 
lutionaries everywhere: "To the 150,000,000 proletarians of factory 
and field in all Russian territories, the pioneer- warriors for human 
rights and human dignity, for liberty, and bread. May the new 
year bring them unity and power, victory and peace, and deliv- 
erance from all reactionary onslaughts, domestic and foreign." 

In 1902 Jack London declared that there were a million socialists 
in the United States who began their letters "Dear Comrade," and 
ended them "Yours for the Revolution." "Far be it from me," he 
wrote, "to deny that socialism is a menace. It is its purpose to 
wipe out, root and branch, all capitalistic institutions of present 
day society." 


Hillman's Jewish Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, 
composed largely of members of Russia's old Jewish Socialist 
Bund, launched into foreign language publications in order to 
capture the Gentile aliens from other lands. "Advance" was the 
chief publication of the organization, largely subsidized by the 
Jewish union. Joseph Schlossberg was one of its earlier editors. 
In addition to "Advance", Amalgamated published "Fortschritt" , 
a Jewish weekly; "II Lavoro", in Italian; "Darbas", a bi-weekly, 
printed in Lithuanian; "Industrial Democracy" in Polish, and a 
publication of the same name, printed in Bohemian. The Russian 
Revolution of 1917 prompted the publication of "Rabochy Golos", 
printed in the Russian language. 

During the years leading up to World War I all of these publica- 
tions of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America were un- 
patriotic, and followed the declaration and principles set forth in 
the War Program and Proclamation of the Socialist Party of 


America adopted at the St. Louis Convention April 6, 1917, which 

reads, in part, as follows: 

"The Socialist Party of the United States in the present 
grave crisis, solemnly reaffirms its allegiance to the principle 
of internationalism and working-class solidarity the world over, 
and proclaims its unalterable opposition to the war just de- 
clared by the Government of the United States. . . . We, 
therefore, call upon the workers of all countries to refuse 
support to their governments in their wars. The wars of the 
contending national groups of capitalists are not the concern 
of the workers. . . . The danger of recurrence of war will 
exist as long as the capitalistic system of industry remains in 
existence. ..." 

William R. Hearst, in his ambition to become president of the 

United States, used his powerful newspaper chain to support 

various damogogic issues, at times calling for socialistic reforms. 

In 1902, by virtue of a deal with Tammany Boss Charles E. Murphy, 

he was elected to Congress from mid-city New York. By 1904 he 

had made himself a "friend" of organized labor, and received 268 

votes for the Democratic presidential nomination. In 1905 he was 

elected Mayor of the City of New York on an anti-Tammany and 

anti-utility platform, but the Tammany crowd destroyed enough 

Hearst ballots to put their man in the City Hall. Charles Evans 

Hughes narrowly defeated him for Governor of the State in 1906, 

In 1908 Hearst set up a third party. His ticket polled 83,562 votes 

out of fifteen million. 


Dr. Judah L. Magnes, president of the New York City Jewish 
Kehillah in 1909, was a graduate of the Hebrew Union College. 
He also became Chairman of the Conference Committee of the Fur 
Industry. His Jewishness is revealed in an article entitled "Amer- 
icanism: True and False," appearing in the "Fur Workers" for 
March, 1920: 

"Soviet Russia stands as a beacon on the hill-tops, cheering 
on the agonizing peoples with a light in the darkness, with new 
hopes and philosophies, with wondrous longings .... 

"... But now, when the peoples of Europe are freeing 
themselves of their tyrannous masters and of the old systems 
that wore them down, what a disillusionment in the answer 
that comes to them across the seas from America! Deporta- 
tions of political prisoners, the torture of conscientious objec- 
tors in dark, damp prisons, suppression of political parties, 
the invasion of private homes without warrant, the clubbing 
of innocent men and women, the prostitution of newspapers 
and other publications, the breaking up of economic organiza- 
tions, and all the while the land flows with milk and honey 
and our population is bidden to rest easy under the official 
declaration that America has had her revolution and has 
achieved finality in political, economic and spiritual ideas. 

"Let us use intelligence and help organize the great force 
of labor, and let us throw our lot with the lot of free and 


liberty-loving men everywhere. Let us uphold the ideal of 
internationalism in the name of the old America that was 
free and is now dead, and in the name of that new America 
which is now in the process of being born." 
The rabbi's brethren had talked the same way about old Russia 

when the Russian people were fighting off the revolutionary attacks 

of the Jews. 

Probably no form of propaganda is more effective and powerful 
than the caricature and the cartoon. From Vienna came Joseph 
Keppler (1838-1894) to give Americans the lanky rube in the flag- 
striped overalls as a symbol for the United States — "Uncle Sam". 
As a cartoonist for Leslie's Weekly, Keppler caricatured most 
everything on the American scene, specializing in lampooning 
"big business", politics and religion. His "Bosses of the Senate", 
depicting money bags at the rear of the United States Senate 
Chambers with the "People's Entrance" in the gallery padlocked, 
follows the biting socialist and communist type of garish propa- 
ganda. "Sour Grapes", a cartoon depicting Pope Leo XIII as a 
winking fox who "couldn't control the public schools of the United 
States" is an example of his biting religious jibes. Thomas Nast 
(1840-1902), an immigrant from Germany, the black and white 
cartoonist, was as vicious as Keppler in his cartooned attacks on 
Catholic officials. 

Frederick Burr Opper (1857-1937), the political cartoonist and 
creator of the comic strip "Happy Hooligan", was an American 
born Jew. 

Lassallism may be said to be an extension of Marxism into 
political action through trade unionism. So-called Marxist revi- 
sionists, such as Eduard Bernstein, are not so much "reversion- 
ists" as they are "extentionalists". Basically they are Marxists. 
Bakunin, and others, adding anarchy now, instead of waiting for 
the "withering" away of the proletarian dictatorship, led the way 
for the syndicalist phase of communist thought. The emphasis 
was on industrial unionism, whose ulimate objective is the "one 
big union." Syndicalist thinking emphasizes the "general strike" 
and "direct action" as the best means to attain social change. This 
theory lessens the emphasis on the necessity for overthrowing the 
capitalist system and therefore plays down "political action" as 
a means to socialism. 

All strikes, the syndicalists claim, have some revolutionary value. 
The extent of the "value" depends on how the strike is conducted. 
Strikers should win by strife and violence. Conciliation and arbi- 
tration are to be avoided. 

Sabotage is particularly a syndicalist weapon. It consists "in 
obstructing in all possible ways the regular production to the 


dismay and disadvantage of the employer". Loafing on the job, 
damage to machinery, delays — a thousand frustrating errors while 
obeying all rules and regulations, is the accepted syndicalist sabot- 
age method. 

The "class struggle" and "class consciousness" doctrines of Marx 
are strongly emphasized by the syndicalist. In attacking the 
state the syndicalist attacks patriotism. The workingman's coun- 
try is where he works. International solidarity and anti-patriotism 
are held to be necessary corollaries of the class struggle. 

Socialism continued to make steady progress into the colleges, 
universities and the churches. A former Secretary of the Treasury, 
in a 1909 address to a college alumni, said: 

"I am alarmed at the trend toward Socialism in this country 
today. If there is any power in this country to stem it, it 
ought to be trained minds of college men. Four out of five 
commencement day orations are purely Socialistic. I have 
met many of the teachers of sociology in our schools and 
universities. With few exceptions these teachers are Social- 
ists, though they hesitate to admit it and most of them will 
deny it. Unconsciously there is a great deal of Socialism 
being taught in these days from the pulpit. The Chautauqua 
is also full of it. I do not recall a Chautauqua speaker who is 
not talking and teaching Socialist doctrine. The trend of the 
newspapers is toward Socialism, and, I repeat, the trend is 
dangerous to this country." 

Under the title "The Christian Socialists", an article signed by 
Rev. A. L. Byron-Curtiss (Rand School's American Labor Year 
Book, Vol. II, pp. 358-60), the spread of Marxism into American 
churches is revealed. The report, in part, reads as follows: 

"The Christian Socialist movement in the United States in 
the late seventies and during the eighties was sporadic in char- 
acter but was led by very sincere and earnest men. . . . During 
the last decade of the nineteenth century the word Socialism 
began to be used by them and the Socialist program presented 
as a theory or plan, and considerable cohesion or uanimity 
appeared among the devotees. Among the leaders may be 
mentioned Rev. W. D. P. Bliss and Professors George D. Herron 
and R. T. Ely. 

"Probably the Episcopal Church was the only one within which 
there arose a society bearing any semblance to a working 
class movement. ... To a very few radical Episcopalians is 
also to be credited the importation of a distinctively Socialist 
organization from the Mother Church of England, the Christian 
Social Union, which sprang from the Christian Socialist move- 
ment of Kingsley and Maurice, both priests of the Church of 
England. A branch of the union was formed in 1893 with 
Right Rev. F. D. Huntington of the diocese of Central New 
York as president. . . . 

"The distinct advance of Socialist sentiment and movement 
among the church people of America was coincident with the 
spread of Socialism beyond the groups of the foreign born. 


At the national convention of the Socialist Party in Chicago in 
1902 there were among the regular delegates a number of 
clergy and lay officials of different churches. Since that date 
two Christian Socialist organizations have been formed and 
are now very active, with the avowed purpose of extending 
the principles of Socialism among church people of America. 
"The first and largest of these is the Christian Socialist 
Fellowship, an inter- denominational organization with offices 
in Chicago. It was organized in Louisville, Kentucky, in 1906. 
From the beginning its general secretary has been Rev. Edward 
Ellis Car, Ph. D. It publishes a weekly and monthly paper 
called 'The Christian Socialist', with offices in Chicago. It 
has over fifty branches and a large proportion of its members 
are allied with the Socialist movement and party. It holds 
annual and frequent district conferences. Through its general 
offices and local centers, Socialist sermons and lectures have 
been delivered in thousands of churches. Millions of copies 
of the official paper of the Fellowship have been circulated to 
preachers, teachers and social workers. Churches, Y. M. C. A.'s 
and colleges are opened to the message of Socialism as put 
forth by the Fellowship." 

"In 1911 the Church Socialist League in America was organ- 
ized by a few clergy and lay people of the Episcopal Church 

The I. W. W. (Industrial Workers of the World), an expression 
of syndicalism in the United States, was born in Chicago in 1905. 
Delegates from forty-three labor organizations were in attend- 
ance at the organizing convention. Eugene V. Debs, William D. 
Haywood, Daniel De Leon, William E. Trautmann, and Vincent 
St John were the leaders and organizers. Its purposes were 
Marxian and revolutionary. 

The organization became strong in the lumber camps of the 
Northwest, among dockworkers in port cities, in the wheat fields 
of the central states, and in textile and mining areas. 

In 1924 a split developed among the members on the question 
of "centralization", the majority going to the Eastern faction of 
the organization. As a result the "Westerners" set up a new 
organization with headquarters in Oregon. 

When the Communist Party of the United States was organized 

in Chicago in 1919, many of the members of the I. W. W. were 

the first to join. There had been around a hundred thousand of 

them in 1912. 


Along about 1910 four left-wing members of the Caucasian 
race organized what they were pleased to call The National Asso- 
ciation for the Advancement of Colored People. The four were 
Mary White Ovington, William E. Walling, Dr. Henry Moskowitz 
and Oswald Garrison Villard. Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois, a left-wing 
Negro, was the fifth member. Dr. Moskowitz was Jewish, and the 
N.A.A.CP. has been in the hands of the Jews ever since. Its 


current president is the Jew Arthur B. Spingarn, who succeeded 

his brother, J. E. Spingarn. 

"Desegregation" and "integration", in addition to the promise 

of an autonomous state in the "black belt" of the South, is the 

type of bait used to agitate the American Negro in order to bring 

him within the revolutionary forces of Jewish Marxism. Mary 

White Ovington observes that "the White American is growing 

darker, and the colored American seems to be slowly growing 

lighter." (The Walls Came Tumbling Down.) She has great 

admiration for the Negro pro-Soviet Paul Robeson. 'Whenever 

I see or hear Robeson," she writes, "I feel in the presence of a 

controlled, deeply sympathetic personality ... I wish he might 

represent us in Europe at the world's councils." She also reports 

that the Jews Louis Marshall and Felix Frankfurter acted as 

N.A.A.C.P. lawyers, and that Jacob Schiff came to its "rescue" 

so that its bills might be paid. 


Upton Sinclair published his "Jungle" in 1906. It may be said to 
have been the most successful of the "muckraking" series. Win- 
ston Churchill said: "This terrible book . . . pierces the thickest 
skull and most leathery heart. . . . The issue between capital and 
labor is far more clearly cut today (in America) than in other 
communities or in any other age." The readers of the book in 
the United States, however, did not rush into the Socialist Party. 
They demanded that the government supervise the processing of 
their meat supply. 

Ida M. Tarbell, Lincoln Steffens and Ray Stannard Baker were 
other prominent "muck-rakers". Tarbell wrote the history of the 
Standard Oil Company, Baker exposed corrupt labor leaders, and 
Steffens wrote "Shame of the Cities". 

The increasing Jewish population in the United States encouraged 
the Jewish leaders to alter the Christian character of the country. 
Backed by the teeming thousands of revolutionary Khazars from 
Russia, these leaders early attacked the hated "Christological 
manifestations" of America. On October 21, 1906, the Jews of 
Oklahoma addressed a petition to the Constitutional Convention of 
the Territory, protesting against the acknowledgment of Christ 
as a deity in the proposed state constitution. They argued that 
such acknowledgment of Christ as the Son of God would be repug- 
nant to the Constitution of the United States. 

On February 13, 1907 the Board of Education of New York City, 
bowing to the protests of the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congrega- 
tions of the United States and Canada, adopted resolutions prohib- 
iting the singing of Christian hymns or songs in the public schools; 
reading from any Christian book or other Christian religious 


treatise, other than the Bible; the writing of essays or compositions 

on any Christian religious topic, or the holding of Christmas 

exercises in which the birth of Christ is mentioned or depicted. 

Acting on Jewish protests, Shakespeare's "The Merchant of 

Venice" was dropped from the curriculum of the public schools 

in Galveston, Cleveland, El Paso, and Youngstown, Ohio, in March 

of 1907. 


Under the Taft administration Socialism flourished. The Austrian- 
born Jew Victor Berger (1860-1929), took his seat in Congress, 
the first Socialist to be elected to that exalted body in the history 
of the United States. He was to be sentenced to prison for 
twenty years on the charge of giving aid and comfort to the 
enemy in time of war (1918-1919), but the sentence was to be 
reversed in 1921. 

Eugene Debs had toured the country in his "Red Special" train 
in his all-out campaign for the presidency on the Socialist ticket. 
"Big Bill" Haywood, ex-cowpuncher and miner, came out of the 
far West, heading his revolutionary Industrial Workers of the 
World (I.W.W.). Red banners were unfurled in Lawrence, Massa- 
chusetts, and Patterson, New Jersey. Haywood preached "class 
warfare" and fought employers with sabotage and violence. His 
motto was "good pay or bum work". Theodore Roosevelt helped 
the communist cause by declaring that socialism was the result 
of "the dull, purblind folly of the very rich". 

Eugene Debs never tired of telling his proletarian audiences that 
"every capitalist is your enemy and every workingman is your 

The "progressive insurgents" under Taft successfully carried 
a number of Socialist demands through Congress. Among these 
were parcel post, postal savings, Department of Labor, Bureau of 
Mines, the Mann-Elkins Act regulating railroad rates, the 16th 
Amendment establishing Federal income tax, and the 17th Amend 
ment providing for popular election of United States Senators, 
instead of election by the members of state legislatures. 

The Khazar Jews were pouring so steadily through the New York 

port of entry that a Kosher kitchen was installed at Ellis Island 

on June 12, 1911. 


As a result of the elections of April, 1911, Socialists were elected 
at Berkeley, California; Butte, Montana; Flint, Michigan, and in 
several smaller towns in Kansas, Illinois, and other states. Addi- 
tional victories came in November in Schenectady, New York; 
Lima and Lorain, Ohio, and Newcastle. Pennsylvania. In New- 


castle, the new Socialist administration fired the entire police 
force and filled their places with Socialists. 

Theodore Roosevelt called for a "square deal" when he split 
with Taft and sought the Republican nomination for the presi- 
dency in 1912. Failing in his objective, he assembled the "Roose- 
velt Progressives" in Chicago, and they promptly nominated him. 
"I'm feeling like a bull moose," he beamed to reporters, and the 
Progressive Bull Moose Party was born. 

Roosevelt's campaign slogans helped the Socialists. The "mon- 
eyed privilege" and "special interests" were the key-notes of his 
campaign. Woodrow Wilson was his Democratic opponent. He 
beat Taft 4,126,020 to 3,483,922 votes, but Wilson had polled 

On November 5 1909, the School Board of Bridgeport, Pennsyl- 
vania, in response to Jewish protests, voted to discontinue the 
reading of the Bible and the recitation of the Lord's Prayer in 
public schools. 

Simon Wolf and Judge Julian W. Mack appeared before the 
Immigration Commission at Washington, D. C. to argue against 
the Commission's "restrictive" measures on Jewish immigration. 
In order to disguise the Jewish character of the overwhelming 
flood of immigrants Wolf and Mack protested against the Com- 
mission's practice of classifying the Jewish immigrants as 'He- 
brews" and insisted that they be officially listed as "nationals" 
of the country of their origin. 

On the 10th day of December, 1909 the Jews of Chicago pre- 
sented the School Board with a petition requesting that the singing 
of Christian hymns in the public schools be prohibited. 

On April 4, 1910, the Superintendent of Public Schools of Cleve- 
land, Ohio, acting on the demands of the Jewish community, is- 
sued an order to the school principals prohibiting the "teaching 
of Shakespeare's 'Merchant of Venice' " in the city's schools. 

The next day, Percy Williams, manager of eight vaudeville 
theatres in New York City, acting on Rabbi Silverman's request, 
announced that he would bar actors from his theatre who imper- 
sonated Jews. 

Magistrate Cornell of New York City publicly criticized the 
increase of criminality among Jewish youth in the city's east 
side. On June 18, 1910, the Central Federated Union of New York 
City, publicly denounced the Magistrate for his "attack upon the 
Jews" and called for his impeachment! 


During 1914 the revolutionary socialist forces of the world 
were mobilizing with unprecedented vigor. The League of Nations 
Association was organized in London. The Industrial Workers of 


the World (I.W.W.) was flexing its muscles. Intellectual gang- 
sters and revolutionaries were becoming popular and socialism 
was gaining respectability. Marx had declared that the "imperial- 
ist war" must be transformed into civil war and revolution, and 
Lenin and Trotsky were getting ready to do just that. Socialists 
everywhere were urging the "people" to hamper, frustrate and 
sabotage their respective government's war efforts.. All capitalist 
wars must be turned into proletariat revolution! The morale of 
the armed forces of every warring nation must be undermined 
and destroyed! The workers must be discouraged and urged to 
keep out of the capitalist fighting forces! Patriotism must be 
ridiculed! People everywhere must be turned against their own 

It was a big job for the socialists of America, but they went 
to work. The American League to Limit Armaments was organ- 
ized in New York City on December 18, 1914. The Emergency 
Federation of Peace started its propaganda campaign from Chi- 
cago at almost the same time. 

Among the active organizers of the American League to Limit 
Armaments were a number of individuals who were also active 
in the Emergency Federation of Peace, which latter group was 
directed by Louis Lochner. Among these were Jane Addams, Rev. 
John Haynes Holmes, David Star Jordan, Dr. Jacques Loeb, Dr. 
George W. Nasmyth, George Foster Peabody, Oswald Garrison 
Villard, Morris Hillquit, Hamilton Holt, Elsie Clews Parsons, 
Lillian D. Wald, Stephen S. Wise, and L. Hollingsworth Wood. 

The League to Limit Armanents ultimately became the American 

Union Against Militarism. 


Dr. Woodrow Wilson, as president of Princeton in the early 
nineteen hundreds, embarked on a crusade to rid the campus of 
"snobbery" by abolishing "student clubs". He failed in his objec- 
tive but the publicity won him the governorship of New Jersey. 
Chairman Will Hays of the Republican National Committee said 
of Wilson's plan to "rebuild the world" that it was to be "in 
unimpeded conformity with whatever Socialistic doctrines, what- 
ever unlimited government-ownership notions, whatever hazy 
whims that may happen to possess him at the time". 

As President of the United States, Wilson pushed through Con- 
gress a Federal Trade Commission, the Clayton Act (anti-trust 
law), the Underwood Act (reducing tariff on many items), special 
aid to merchant seamen, farmers, and labor unions, and the Fed- 
eral Reserve Act of December 23, 1913. 

World War I was declared April 6, 1917. Wilson announced that 
the United States was fighting the German 'ruling class', and not 
the German people. 

The socialists liked that. 


Shortly after Victor Berger, Germer, Engdahl, Kruse and 
Tucker had been indicted for violation of the Espionage Act (on 
which indictment they were all subsequently convicted), the 
Jewish leader, Morris Hillquit, attempted to mobilize the Marxist 
forces for their defense. Under the heading, "Socialist Party Has 
Been Indicted; Whole Socialist Party Must Respond", Hillquit, as 
a member of the National Executive Committee of the Socialist 
Party, wrote ("Eye Opener", March 16, 1918): "The indictment 
against Berger, Germer, Engdahl, Kruse and Tucker is, in effect, 
an indictment against the Socialist Party. No other government 
of a country at war, not even Germany, has had the sad courage 
of resorting to criminal proceedings to suppress a political party 
in opposition. The Socialist opposition to war does not spring 
from a sentiment of hostility to the people of America but on 
the contrary is rooted in a deep feeling of loyalty and devotion 
to the masses and workers of this country and the world. The 
charge of espionage against our comrades is a legal absurdity 
and a political blunder and a moral monstrosity. The whole 
Socialist movement has been challenged. The whole Socialist 
movement must respond." 

In Russia, Hillquit would have attempted to defend Berger's revo- 
lutionary and seditious activities as a "pogrom" stemming from 
"anti-Semitism" and "religious intolerance". In America he was 
forced to fall back on "political" oppression and "persecution". 

In the latter part of 1918 communist revolutions flared up in 
Germany — in Munich, Hamburg and Berlin. On November 9, 
1918, the Kaiser abdicated and fled to Holland. 

The Armistice came November 11, 1918, and World War I was 


Anarchist Communism was defined in the March 15, 1919 issue 
of "Freedom" as "voluntary economic co-operation of all towards 
the needs of each. A social arrangement based on the principle: 
To each according to his needs; from each according to his ability." 

Prominent among the leaders of the Anarchist Communist 
movement in the United States before and during World War I, 
so far as its prolific propaganda was concerned, were Emma Gold- 
man and Alexander Berkman, both of whom were ultimately 
deported to the Soviet Union. These two assumed the leadership 
of the anarchists and distributed large quantities of pacifist, anti- 
draft and anti-military literatures immediately proceding and during 
the war. They organized the No Conscription League and main- 
tained offices at 20 East 125th Street in New York City. 

On June 15, 1817 Goldman and Berkman were arrested in the 
offices of the League. M. Eleanor Fitzgerald, Carl Newlander, 
Walter Merchants and W. P. Bales, assistants of Goldman and 


Berkman, were present in the office at the time of the arrest. 
The two Jewish leaders were indicted for violation of the Espionage 
Act and subsequently convicted. 

While Goldman and Berkman were in prison the revolutionaries 
organized the League for Amnesty of Political Prisoners, a pro- 
gram that had worked rather well in Europe after unsuccessful 
revolutions. The new League set up offices at 857 Broadway in 
New York City and unleashed its propaganda. M. Eleanor Fitz- 
gerald became its secretary. The finance committee consisted 
of Jessie Ashley and Leonard D. Abbott. The legal advisory 
board was composed of Isaac A. Hourwich (Jewish head of the 
statistical department of the Soviet Bureau under Ludwig C. A. K. 
Martens), Jessie Ashley, Theodore Schroeder, Harry Weinberger 
and Bolton Hall. Harry Weinberger was legal counsel for Gold- 
man and Berkman. The General committee consisted of Leonard 
D. Abbott, Lillian Brown-Off, Dr. Frederick A. Blossom, Lucy 
Robins, Helen Keller, Elizabeth Freeman, Prince Hopkins, Mar- 
garet Sanger, Rose Baron, Robert Minor, Anna M. Sloan, Stella 
Comyn, Lincoln Steffens, Alexander Cohen, Roger N. Baldwin 
and Rose Strunsky. 

The political philosophy of the League for Amnesty of Political 
Prisoners is indicated by the statements of its members. Rose 
Baron, member of the general committee, addressed a cablegram 
to Lenin and Trotsky, Council of People's Commissars, Smolny 
Institute, Petrograd, Russia, in which she declared: 'You have 
our wholehearted faith and support. Ready to organize and send 
you international revolutionary army from America." 

On March 2, 1918, M. Eleanor Fitzgerald sent a cable to William 
Shatloff, Smolny Institute, Petrograd, Russia: "Mother Earth 
group," she said, referring to a radical publication, "with our lives 
and our last cent are with you in your fight." 

Louise Bryant and Lincoln Steffens signed a cable addressed 
to Lenin and Trotsky on March 4, 1918. "Important you designate 
unofficial representative here," it read, "who can survey situation, 
weigh facts and cable conclusions you might accept and act upon. 
Will undertake secure means of communication between such man 
and yourself." 

It is at least interesting, if not shocking, to learn that Lincoln 
Steffens subsequently accompanied William Bullitt on his official 
mission to the Soviet Union. 

Leonard Abbott cabled William Shatloff of the Socialist Revolu- 
tionary Committee, Smolny Institute: "Ferrer Association is with 
you to the death. Will send recruits for the Red Guard." 

Emma Goldman preached that God was non-existent; that "con- 
ceit, arrogance and egotism are the essentials of patriotism;" 


that love has no relationship with that poor little state and church- 
begotten weed marriage." 


Hiram Johnson and William E. Borah led the Senate fight against 
the League of Nations. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massa- 
chusetts had favored it until Wilson sponsored it. Thereafter he 
also opposed it. The treaty was finally rejected by the Senate of 

the United States on November 11, 1919. 

The American Union Against Militarism came into existence 
in 1917. Lillian Wald was its chairman. Amos Pinchot, L. Hol- 
lingsworth Wood, Crystal Eastman, Roger Baldwin and Charles 
Hallinan were members. Baldwin (described by Norman Thomas 
as an "intellectual anarchist"), was "Associate Director". 

On May 2, 1917. the American Union Against Militarism merged 
with the Emergency Peace Federation, the Socialist movement, the 
Labor Party, and the Women's Peace Party, to became The First 
American Conference for Democracy and Terms of Peace. On May 
3, 1917 Baldwin wrote to Emily Greene Balch, stating that "em- 
phasis should be placed upon the cooperation of the peoples — 
not the governments — on organizations of internationalism." 

The American Union Against Militarism ultimately withdrew 
from The First American Conference for Democracy and Terms 
of Peace, and thereafter devoted its efforts to the defense of con- 
scientious objectors. Branch offices were opened in Washington, 
D. C, and New York City under the name Civil Liberties Bureau. 
They soon became the legal departments of the American Union 
Against Militarism. Says the New York Lusk Legislative Report: 
"Though this bureau under Baldwin continued to cooperate in an 
advisory way with the First American Conference, for the most 
part it created and developed entirely new machinery for hamper- 
ing the military strength of the country, during the war and 

During 1919 four million workers went on strike in the United 
States. Three hundred and fifty thousand steelworkers struck 
against the United States Steel Corporation. The Federation of 
Churches backed the strikers. In West Virginia the police com- 
pelled 118 revolutionary strikers to kneel and kiss the American 
flag. The strike was broken. 

Anti-foreign, anti- socialist feeling swept across America. The 
rising tide of communism was inundating the land. The most 
obtuse instinctively sensed that the United States' policy of un- 
limited immigration had something to do with the foreign "isms" 
that were threatening the very foundations of the American way 
of life. The agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation seized 
communists in coast-to-coast raids. The Justice Department de- 


ported 249 to Russia. Socialist legislators were barred from the 

New York legislature. Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer 

was vigorous in prosecuting subversives. A communist killed 

himself in his attempt to bomb Palmer's house in Washington. 

War veterans smashed up a Socialist newspaper office in New 

York City. In riots in Centralia, Washington, four veterans were 

killed. The Detroit Journal, sensing the true nature of communism, 

declared: "Socialism is Bolshevism with a shave." 

The policemen of Boston went on strike — 1,117 of them. They 
were fired and replaced. 


The People's Council of America was launched in 1917. It was 
modeled after the Bolshevik Workmen's and Soldier's Council, 
which the organizers believed, exercised the sovereign power of 
the Soviet Union at the time. The People's Council actually was an 
outgrowth of the First American Conference for Democracy and 
Terms of Peace, which, in turn, had been a reorganization of the 
1917 Emergency Peace Federation. This last named front was an 
out-cropping of the American Neutral Conference Committee, which 
had developed from the Ford Peace Party. All of which, of 
course, grew out of the original peace maneuvers of 1914. It 
should be obvious that these organizations were clearly revolu- 
tionary and socialist in character, in spite of the thin veneer 
of "pacifism" and "peace" with which they were plastered. 

Early in June of 1917, Louis Lochner wrote to a number of 
California citizens and congressmen in furtherance of a People's 
Council Conference set for early July at San Francisco, stating 
that the Conference was "to be analogous as far as our American 
conditions permit, to the Council of Workingmen and Soldiers of 
Russia and to a similar body just created in England". 

The program of the People's Council contemplated drawing all 
the radical forces together, suggesting mass action; a plan of 
Soviet (Committee) representation; discrediting the government; 
a scheme to agitate for discontent and disloyal measures — and 
finally for international cooperation with the Socialist forces of 

Roger N. Baldwin had already advised Lochner and Miss Balch 
early in May as to the details of organization. He wrote (May 
9, 1917): "Do steer away from making it look like a Socialist 
enterprise. Too many people have already gotten the idea that 
it is nine-tenths a Socialist movement. You can of course avoid 
this by bringing to the front people like Senator Works, Miss 
Addams and others who are known as substantial Democrats. 
Do get into the movement just as strong as possible the leaders 
in the labor circles, particularly the substantial men, not the 
radical socialists, both of whom ought to be recognized ... I 


think it would be error to get the public thinking that we are 
launching a political party in Minneapolis. To be sure we are 
launching a political movement, but that is quite another matter 
from a political point . . . We want also to look like patriots in 
everything we do. We want to get a lot of good flags, talk a 
good deal about the Constitution and what our forefathers wanted 
to make of this country, and to show that we are folks that 
really stand for the spirit of our institutions." 

Lochner, in answering, stated: "I agree with you that we 
should keep proclaiming our loyalty and patriotism. I will see 
to it that we have flags and similar paraphernalia." (August 
24, 1917.) 

On May 25, 1919 the People's Council of America staged a mass 
meeting at New York City's Madison Square Garden, which was 
advertised as "Justice to Russia". The purpose of the meeting 
was to protest the blockade of the Soviets and intervention against 
the Bolsheviks. Rabbi Judah L. Magnes, Lincoln A. Colcord, 
Frederick C. Howe and Amos Pinchot were the speakers. Louis 
Lochner presided. 

After Congress passed the Conscription and Espionage Acts, the 
American Union Against Militarism faded away, leaving its entire 
field of endeavor in the hands of its Civil Liberties Bureaus.. In 
October of 1917 both offices and their scope of activities were 
enlarged under its new name, National Civil Liberties Bureau. 
On January 12, 1920 the name was again changed to the American 
Civil Liberties Union. 

Roger N. Baldwin was convicted for violation of the Selective 
Service Act, and served a year in jail. His statement to the 
Court at the time he was sentenced is in full compliance with 
recognized revolutionary tactics. "Though, at the moment." he 
declared dramatically, "I am a tiny minority, I feel myself just 
one protest in a great revolt surging up from among the people — 
the struggle of the masses against the rule of the world by the 
few — profoundly intensified by the war ... It is a struggle to 
break in full force only after the war. Russia already stands in 
the vanguard, beset by her belligerents ..." 

'The American Civil Liberties Union", reported the Lush Com- 
mittee of the New York Legislature, "in the last analysis, is a 
supporter of all subversive movements and its propaganda is 
detrimental to the state. It attempts not only to protect crime 
but to encourage attacks upon our institutions in every form. 
Many of the members of its Committee are undoubtedly sincere 
in their convictions, but the consequences of their activity is in- 
jurious to the public interest." 

'The American Civil Liberties Union", reported the Joint Fact- 
Finding Committee on Un-American Activities in California, "may 


be definitely classed as a Communist front or 'transmission belt' 
organization. At least 90 percent of its efforts are expended on 
behalf of Communists who come into conflict with the law. While 
it professes to stand for free speech, a free press and free as- 
sembly, it is quite obvious that its main function is to protect 
Communists in their activities of force and violence in their pro- 
gram to overthrow the government." 

The radical left-wing Socialists walked out of the Socialist Party 
and joined the new Communist and Communist Labor parties. Both 
of these groups later amalgamated with the Workers' Party 

It appeared that all of the men of the earth were blinded and 
deceived. The strange spell of Jewish Marxism had lulled the 
most wise into a strange stupor. No longer could they think 
clearly. Old and cherished values suddenly seemed worthless, 
and time-honored guide-posts no longer pointed the way. For 
some strange and unexplained reason it appeared right and proper 
to send American boys into the eternal wars of Europe. Every- 
thing that seemed right yesterday seemed wrong today, and the 
black-evil of the not-so-distant past, looked shiny-white and good 
in this new half-light of the twentieth century. 

Everywhere the beast walked men fell down to worship and 
admire. Whatever the beast demanded, men hastened to do. 
Throw down our Crosses that ye be not offended? In a frenzy 
of fear and trembling the Crosses were thrown aside. Deny Jesus? 
A thousand times before the cock might crow but once! Supplant 
our Christian traditions with those of the beast so that it be made 
comfortable? Willingly! Oh, so willingly! And these dazed, 
deceived men made an image of the beast — built a mammoth 
image in its likeness and worshipped it! Where, in all of man's 
wildest fancy, had there been such a beast? It had been mortally 
wounded by a sword, but still it lived and performed miracles! 

And the deceived people of the world came to believe that Sal- 
vation lay only in the mark of the beast, and they hastened to 
receive it in their right hands or in their foreheads. For they 
had come to believe that he who did not have the mark of the 
beast must surely die! 



rE RISE of international Jewish finance and commerce, sup- 
plemented by the spread of Jewish international Socialism, 
gave rise to the Jewish necessity to destroy patriotic nationalism 
and national boundaries. Integrated with the ideas of world 
government was the central driving force of Zionist nationalism, 
an apparent paradox that was not easily revealed nor explained. 
The Jewish objective to establish Israel's world-wide authority 
in Palestine was never an acknowledged plan for world conquest, 
except among the Jews themselves in their esoteric interpretations 
of the Scriptures and the Talmud. As has been seen, Jews, 
whether they moved in the dizzy realms of international finance 
or in the damp cellars of revolutionary conspiracy, met on the 
common ground of Israel's exalted destiny. Every Jew instinct- 
ively knew his role in the tacit conspiracy to destroy Christianity 
and Gentile nations. For two thousand years the inherited fibers 
of the Jew's very being had been saturated with his race's two- 
fold mission to destroy Christian civilization and to establish 
Israel as the dominant ruling power of the world. "The law must 
go forth from Zion!" 

The terrible power of the purse of international Jewish finance 
and the destructive force of Jewish revolutionary socialism had 
won undreamed of victories for Israel since the Napoleonic wars. 
The control and direction of Christian officials in the governments 
of Europe and the New World had proved childishly simple for 
the sons of Abraham. Where persuasion and argument had failed, 
bribes had prevailed. Where governments had stood obstinate 
and unyielding, terror and revolution had succeeded. If, by great 
effort, the several governments might be bent to the Jewish will, 
how much easier might a single world government be permanently 

The important question confronting the international Jewish 
financier and revolutionary was how to convince the goyim that 
world government was to its advantage. Unless the United 
States could be brought into the jurisdiction of a world power, 
such a plan could conceivably fail, or, at best, be greatly delayed. 
In 1914, Germany, Great Britain and even France, were arrogant 
and extremely nationalistic in pride of empire. The United States, 
following the admonition of George Washington, had refused to 
permit itself to become embroiled in the intrigues and quarrels 
of Europe, and, by virtue of its Monroe Doctrine, was rapidly 
moving to empire proportions in the western hemisphere. China, 
languishing in opium stupors imposed on it by England for the 



benefit of the Sassoons, was a sleeping giant without initiative or 
direction. India, under the heel of the British government, was 
in about the same condition. Only Japan, following the enter- 
prise and daring of the capitalistic West, stirred as the dominant 
power in the Orient. The Latins of South America, the teeming 
blacks of Africa, the uncounted millions of colonial peoples — all 
these world-elements were numbered potentials in any plan for 
world domination. 

The Jews had made but negligible progress in their scheme to 
capture Palestine. The Jewish "colonists" had neither been for- 
midable in numbers nor notable in accomplishment. Zionism was 
no closer to its "home" in Palestine in 1914 than Theodor Herzl 
had been in 1897. 

Both Zionism and Jewish Socialism had established an image 
of the beast in the Gentile world, and both movements had given 
life to the image. No longer was it necessary that the Jews them- 
selves speak out; their words were in the mouth of their image. 
The Christian banker unconsciously spoke the language of the 
Rothschilds; the Christian minister and the Christian labor leader 
spoke the language of Marx and Lassalle. The Christian politician 
echoed the doctrines of Berger and Hillquit; of Trotsky, Bern- 
stein and Moses Hess. University professors and school teachers 
taught the philosophy of Freud and the principles of the Second 
International. And few courageous souls dared cry out against 
the Jewishness of it all, for fear of economic reprisal and death. 

It was easy to say, and easy to believe, that "modern" forces 
had been at work changing the economic condition of the world, 
drawing its many parts together, and making possible a "per- 
manent international political organization." All of the world 
had been made smaller by the net-work of communication encirc- 
ling it. Commerce had become international, so that the interests 
of a financier in a given country were bound up with the financial 
interests of all countries. Labor in one country was affected by 
the economic condition of labor in other countries, and the welfare 
of the world might be seriously effected by the action of a Zulu 
chief in Africa. 

These were some of the arguments in 1914 . . . 

International Jewish conferences became more frequent during 
the second half of the nineteenth century. Such meetings were 
held in the years 1869, 1872 and 1878. The Central -Verein Deut- 
scher Staatsburger Judischen Glaubens was organized in Germany 
in 1893. By 1929 it was alleged to have had 555 units and over 
60,000 members. It was Leo Pinsker and Theodor Herzl who had 
called for international organization of the Jews, but it was the 
Rothschilds and the other Jewish financiers who made it possible. 


The sudden rush of Jewish delegates from the many lands of 
their birth to meet in international conferences for strictly Jewish 
purposes would have been considered fantastically treasonable in 
the eighteenth century, but it passed without effective criticism 
in the latter part of the nineteenth. 

Pinsker had demanded a "National Congress of Jews". Herzl 
had called for "The Society of Jews". The conference at Basel, 
Switzerland in 1897 had given birth to the World Zionist Organ- 
ization, which embodied both ideas. Although Herzl was quick 
to announce its strictly political character, it was, in effect, an 
international Sanhedrin, and there was nothing new in the organ- 
ization or the reasons for its existence. "I wish it to be clearly 
understood from the outset," Herzl declared, "that no portion of 
my argument is based upon a new discovery." 

In 1903, Simon Dubnow urged that the World Zionist Organiza- 
tion be reformed as a World Jewish Congress in order to be able 
to act on all Jewish affairs and represent Jewry as a nation in 
its conflict with Gentile governments. While this function was 
its purpose, if not its announced intention, the World Zionist Or- 
ganization failed to act on Dubnow's suggestion. Its position, 
in this respect, was made quite clear by the adoption of the so- 
called "Copenhagen Manifesto" in 1918 (ratified at Carlsbad in 
1921). In addition to reaffirming world Jewry's claim to Palestine, 
the "Manifesto" called for "full and de facto equality of Jews in 
every country, as well as national autonomy with regard to cul- 
tural, social and political activities for the Jewish communities 
of the countries with a Jewish mass population, and of all other 
countries where the Jewish population may demand such auton- 

Never before in the history of the world had people demanded 
more than equality before the law. The "Copenhagen Manifesto" 
demanded a double privilege; full equality plus the special privi- 
lege of being autonomous (self-governing) in Jewish affairs. The 
"Communist Manifesto" had called for the confiscation of all pri- 
vate property and the overthrow and destruction of all existing 
governments. The "Copenhagen Manifesto" called for the con- 
quest of a foreign country which the Jews neither occupied (and 
few had even seen) to which they held neither legal nor moral 
title. In the same breath and at the same time the "Manifesto" 
demanded that the Jews be treated as citizens and sojourning 
monarchs in the lands of their birth and "temporary" abode. 

Ultimately, however, the World Zionist Organization was willing 
to delegate some of its assumed jurisdiction over world Jewry, 
in order to apply its full energy to the conquest of Palestine. 
Jewry's second international was therefore launched with Zionist 
blessings in 1932. "We are a people — one people!" declared Herzl 


'The longer anti-Semitism lies in abeyance the more fiercely 
will it break out. The infiltration of immigrating Jews, attracted 
to a land by apparent security, and the ascent in the social scale 
of native Jews, combine powerfully to bring about a revolution. 
Nothing is plainer than this rational conclusion." 

The World Jewish Congress is actually the creation of the Amer- 
ican Jewish Congress. World War I forever destroyed the fiction 
that Jews were citizens of the countries of their birth or natural- 
ization. This myth came nearer realization in the United States 
than anywhere else in the world before 1881, and it might have 
become a reality had the Khazar Jews stayed in Russia. The 
American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, organized in 1914, 
was unable to distinguish between the Jews serving the Kaiser and 
Jews serving the Allies, indicating the lack of loyalty of the 
Jews to either side. As the war developed and Allied victory 
became certain, American Jewry prepared to join with the inter- 
national Jews of the world for participation as a nation in the 
inevitable Peace Conference. The impudence of the plan is curious 
in itself, but not nearly so curious and amazing as is the fact 
that no one appears to have questioned it. Ordinarily a group 
of American citizens presuming to participate in an international 
conference where its members were already represented by their 
duly elected officials, would be preposterous. Yet, this is exactly 
what American Jewry proposed to do! 

B. G. Richards, N. Sykin and B. Zuckerman submitted a reso- 
lution to an extraordinary Zionist conference held in New York 
City, proposing "a convention for the purpose of considering 
Jewish affairs." The Zionist Conference (August 30, 1914) re- 
ferred the resolution to the Provisional Zionist Committee. Louis 
D. Brandeis was delegated to discuss the resolution and Zionist 
policy with the officers of the American Jewish Committee, a select 
group of fifty Jews. There was some hesitation on the part of 
the members of the American Jewish Committee to entrust a con- 
vention of such magnitude to the Jewish masses, fearing that the 
completely un-American Khazar revolutionaries would dominate 
the meeting to the detriment of Jewish purposes. The National 
Workmen's Committee on Jewish Rights joined with the American 
Jewish Committee in opposing the "collaboration of classes in an 
organization representing the entire Jewish collectivity — thus 
exemplifying the curious alliance of right and left-wing solidarity 
for common Jewish purposes. The Workmen's Circle, composed 
largely of members of the old Jewish Socialist Bund, held out for 
mass collaboration, and criticized the stand of the National Work- 
men's Committee on Jewish Rights and the American Jewish 


On March 15, 1915, Judge Julian Mack, Louis D. Brandeis and 
Dr. Stephen S. Wise set up the Jewish Congress Organizational 
Committee. The man who was destined to become a Justice of 
the United States Supreme Court was able to declare (September 
27, 1915) that the American Jewish Congress was to be "an inci- 
dent of the organization of the Jewish people — an instrument 
through which their will may be ascertained, and when ascer- 
tained may be carried out." 

Meanwhile, the Kehillah (Jewish ruling body) of New York City 
proposed a secret conference for October 24, 1915, and the Amer- 
ican Jewish Committee proceeded to make arrangements for it. 
Brandeis, believing that bold action was the better policy, opposed 
the meeting. "Secrecy," he said, "will lead necessarily to suspicion 
and misrepresentation of Jewish purposes and deprive us of non- 
Jewish support. We seek action in the open so that there shall 
be no misunderstanding either among our own people or among 
our fellow-citizens, as to our aims and methods." The future 
Justice of the Supreme Court had no hesistancy in distinguishing 
between "our own people" and the strangers — "our fellow-citizens." 
Likewise, he emulated that other outspoken Jew — Karl Marx — 
who deplored secrecy when he declared: "The Communists disdain 
to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their 
ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing 
social conditions." 

The preliminary conference of the American Jewish Congress 
was held in Philadelphia March 26, 1916. Three hundred and 
sixty-seven delegates, representing more than a million American 
Jews, participated. Dr. Stephen S. Wise made the "keynote" 
address — American Israel and Democracy. 

Although the United States had not yet been involved in World 
War I, the Jews looked ahead to the "Peace Conference." They 
called upon "the Congress" to "consider the question of securing 
to Jews free and equal rights, civil, political and religious, in all 
such lands where these rights were denied to them; that the Con- 
gress consider the question of securing to the Jews national rights 
in all such lands in which national rights were or ought to be 
recognized". The Congress went on record for cooperation with 
the Jews of other lands "in furtherance of the Congress program", 
thus laying the ground-work for the World Jewish Congress. 

Louis D. Brandeis was named honorary chairman of the organ- 
ization. A National Executive Committee was elected. Jewish 
groups of the world were invited to work with the Congress. The 
American Jewish Committee and the National Workmen's Com- 
mittee on Jewish Rights went along with the program. At a meet- 
ing held Christmas Day, 1916, representatives of the various 
groups agreed that the American Jewish Congress would confine 


itself to the "Peace Conference" and dissolve when its purposes 

in this connection had been accomplished. 

The National Workmen's Committee on Jewish Rights, organ- 
ized early in 1915, was composed of four of the most radical of 
the American Jewish organizations — the United Worker's Circle, 
Hebrew Trades, the Jewish Socialist Federation of America, and 
the Forward Association. The 1918 officers of the National Work- 
men's Committee were Frank F. Rosenblatt, treasurer; J. B. Salut- 
sky, secretary; A. Baroff, I. Baskin, Isidor Cohen, M. Gillis, J. 
Halpern, A. Held, B. Hoffman, E. H. Jeshurin, H. Lang, M. Lulow, 
M. Olgin, Jacob Panken, Max Pine, Frank F. Rosenblatt, J. B. 
Salutsky, L. Schaffer, J. Schlossberg, S. Valitzky, B. Vladeck, M. 
Winchevsky, directors. M. Olgin was destined to become one of 
America's outspoken Communists. His "Why Communism?" is 
probably the most daring exposition of what the United States 
may expect from Marxism. 

The Central Verband of the Bund Organizations of America, 
organized for the support of the Jewish Socialist Bund in Russia, 
Poland and Lithuania, maintained branches in "all cities of the 
United States and Canada". Its avowed purpose was financial aid 
to the revolutionary Jews in Russia. During 1904 through 1907 
"the branches of the Bund were the most active and influential 
bodies in the Jewish radical spheres in this country." The Bund 
Organizations of America worked feverishly in the United States 
during 1904, raising money to finance its "comrades" of the 
Jewish Socialist Bund in their desperate attempt to overthrow the 
Russian Government. Tens of thousands of dollars passed through 
the American Bund to buy arms and ammunition for the Jewish 
assassins in Russia. Simultaneously, in concert with other Amer- 
ican Jewish organizations, the Bund fought a rear-guard action 
for their revolutionary "comrades" by painting the Czar's measures 
for self-defense as "pogroms" and "religious persecutions". The 
Central Verband continued its fund-raising activities in the United 
States after the successful Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 — this time 
"to assist the Russian Bund in its work against counter-revolu- 
tionary forces." 

During 1918, M. Gurwich was secretary and Dr. C. Kopelson 
was treasurer of the Central Verband. 

The work of these revolutionary organizations indicates the wide- 
spread support of American Jewry for the Russian Revolution. 
Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Sverdlov, Uritzky, Volodarsky and 
many other such famous names of revolutionary Bolshevik leaders 
may have sounded "Russian" to the Gentiles of America, but the 
Jews knew that these pseudonyms concealed the Jewish character 
of the new government that was rising over Russia. There was 
great joy in the hearts of American Jews at the fall of the Czar, 
and, in the excitement of the great "victory", they did not hesitate 


to take full credit for the result. "There is much in the fact 
of bolshevism itself," boasted the London Jewish Chronicle of 
April 4, 1919, "in the fact that so many Jews are bolsheviks, in the 
fact that the ideals of bolshevism at many points are consonant 
with the finest ideals of Judaism". American Jewry glorified in 
the rise of Jewish power over the Gentiles. Isaac Steinberg, a 
member of the Soviet of People's Commissars, suddenly became a 
Commissar of Justice. Uritzky, Chief of the powerful Cheka, 
striking terror into the hearts of Christian Russians, became an 
avenging angel in the minds of Israel. American Jewry — indeed 
world Jewry — believed that the red dawn that had broken over 
Russia was ushering in a new day for Israel; a Neo-Messianic 
age that must fulfill the promise of the Covenant and deliver the 
world to Israel. 

The American Hebrew of New York, September 10, 1920, hailed 
the promise of the "Red Dawn" and anticipated its breaking over 
the Western World: "What Jewish idealism and Jewish discontent 
have so powerfully contributed to accomplish in Russia, the same 
historic qualities of the Jewish mind and heart are tending to 
promote in other countries." 

In June, 1914, Crown Prince Francis Ferdinand of Austria and 
his wife were assassinated at Sarajevo, Bosnia. The Crown Prince 
was the nephew of Emperor Franz Joseph of Austria. Gabrilov 
Prinkip and the men who had fired the fusillade were of Serbian 
birth but Bosnian citizenship. Austria, suspecting Serbian conniv- 
ance in the murders, issued an ultimatum involving Serbia's inde- 
pendence. Serbia turned to Russia, champion of the Balkan 
slavs, seeking help and advice. Germany announced that if any 
power intervened she would back Austria. Austria rejected Serbia's 
reply to her ultimatum, and declared war on July 28th. Russia 
mobilized, declaring that she would intervene only against Austria 
if the latter should march on Belgrade. The German Ambassador 
in St. Petersburg told the Russian Government that any mobiliza- 
tion meant war with Germany. Russia ordered general mobiliza- 
tion. Germany declared war on Russia. World War I opened 
with the muffled thunder of marching armies. 

The United States did a tremendous business with the Allies 
during the neutral years. It is estimated that American exports 
during this period exceeded seven billion dollars. The Bethlehem 
Steel Company earned $24,821,408.00 in 1915, and by the end of 
1916 the figure was $61,717,309. In the first quarter of 1916 United 
States Steel earned over $81,000,000, and for the entire year $348,- 
000,000. J. P. Morgan and Company is said to have totaled three 
billion dollars. 


As has been heretofore pointed out Jewry was pro-German in 

the early years of the war. First and foremost Jewry could not 

support any cause that Russia espoused; and secondly, Jewry 

looked to the Kaiser and Germany to wrest Palestine from the 

Turks for its benefit. German-American Jews, such as Paul and 

Felix Warburg and Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb and Company, 

backed Germany. 


American financiers and American industry, reaping a golden 
harvest by virtue of Allied need, unquestionably favored the Allied 
cause, although it is extremely doubtful if any of these Americans 
could have clearly defined what that cause happened to be. Just 
why England and France should be logically embroiled in a bloody 
and disastrous war with Germany, merely because Russia mobil- 
ized to assist Serbia, because a hand full of Serbian assassins had 
murdered a Crown Prince of Austria, and Austria had declared 
war on Serbia, was most baffling to anyone attempting to stick 
to the surface facts. Behind the miserable purported causes lay 
the age-old balance-of-power policy of the British Empire that 
George Washington had feared. England's blockade of Germany 
cut American industry off from Germany's markets, and thus, 
perhaps, by virtue of geography, altered the course of history. The 
recipients of seven billion dollars in trade must properly concede 
that the customer is always right — war or no war! 

But the American people, who would have to do the fighting, 
the dying and the paying, were in no mood to choose sides. Most 
of them had heard of George Washington in those days, and their 
school teachers had told them what the father of their country had 
to say about getting mixed up in Europe's eternal wars. Yet, for 
some inexplicable reason, many American officials were working 
feverishly to find an excuse for involvement. In his "War Mem- 
oirs", Robert Lansing wrote: 

"I believed that it was unwise (in 1915) to attempt to obtain 
from Congress a declaration of war until American public 
opinion was practically unanimous in demanding such action. 
While it was hard to await the slow process of complete con- 
version to the cause of the Allies and to a right appreciation of 
the menace to human liberty in the possibility of a triumphant 
Germany, which then seemed more remote than in the autumn 
of 1914, there was no other course for the Administration to 
take, even though it aroused bitter criticism in many quarters." 
Lansing urged war in August, 1915. A sinister character, holding 
no position of any kind in the government of the United States — 
Colonel Edward Mandell House — joined Lansing in his efforts. 
The Colonel thought we lost a great opportunity to break with 
Germany in October of 1915 and wrote that "we should do some- 
thing decisive now — something that would bring us in with the 


House, in his "Intimate Papers" relates how he intrigued with 
the Jew Chief Justice Reading (Sir Rufus Isaacs), Grey, Arthur 
Balfour and other British statesmen to force Wilson to take 
action. He formulated a code to keep his communications with 
Grey secret from the British Ambassador and the United States 
State Department. Ambassador Page wrote in 1916 that House 
was in London, "full of the idea of American intervention." He 
stated that House proposed that he and Page "and a group of 
the British cabinet should at once work out a minimum program 
of peace, the least the Allies would accept, which he assumed 
would be unacceptable to the Germans, and the President would 
present this program to both. The side that declined would be 
responsible for continuing the war. Then to end the war, the Presi- 
dent would help the other side — that is, the Allies. Of course the 
fatal moral weakness of the foregoing scheme is that we should 
plunge into the war not on the merits of the cause but by a 
carefully sprung trick." 

As the war progressed the German supported Turkish armies 
in the Near and Middle East were successful in driving back the 
British. The Arabs, long suffering under Turkish rule, were 
Britain's desperate hope. Through Colonel J. E. Lawrence, who 
had gained the confidence of the Arabs, correspondence was ini- 
tiated between General McMahon, England's Governor General 
of Egypt, and the Shereef of Mecca (Hussein), in which, in return 
for Arab support of Great Britain against the Turkish-German 
alliance, England pledged support of Arab independence within 
boundaries proposed by Hussein. This agreement, which included 
Palestine, became known as the McMahon-Hussein Treaty. 

Hussein's son, Emir Feisal, commanded the Arab forces fighting 
for England. Colonel Lawrence, who was with Feisal, said: "If 
we won the war, the promises to the Arabs were dead paper. Yet 
the Arab inspiration was our main tool in winning the Eastern 
War. So I assured them that England kept her word in letter 
and in spirit. In this comfort they performed their fine things; 
but, of course, instead of being proud of what we did together 
I was continually and bitterly ashamed." 

Colonel Lawrence had good reason to be ashamed. While the 
Arabs were fighting and dying in England's war believing that 
they were also fighting and dying for Arab independence, Britain's 
Foreign Minister, Arthur Balfour, was bartering Palestine for 
Jewish pledges to bring the United States into the war on Eng- 
land's side. In addition to this treachery, England and France, by 
the terms of the Sykes-Picot Treaty, agreed to divide the Arab 
lands between them at the end of the war. Ramsey MacDonald, 
English statesman, summed up this triple dealing: 


"We encouraged an Arab revolt in Turkey by promising to 
create an Arab kingdom from the Arab provinces of the 
Ottoman Empire, including Palestine. At the same time, we 
were encouraging the Jews to help us by promising them that 
Palestine would be placed at their disposal for settlement 
and government; and also at the same time we were making 
with France the Sykes-Picot agreement partitioning the terri- 
tory which we had instructed our Governor General of Egypt 
to promise to the Arabs. The story is one of crude duplicity 

and we cannot escape the reprobation which is its sequel." 

Few voices were raised to ask those questions that moral indig- 
nation might be expected to prompt. By what right did the British 
government propose to dispose of the land of another people? 
Upon what moral ground may one nation seek to establish a 
"national home" for an alien people in the territory of another? 
Palestine did not belong to Britain. Throughout the War England 
and her allies continuously proclaimed that they were fighting 
for world freedom. What kind of world freedom is contained 
in the Balfour Declaration? 

Arnold Toynbee in "A Study of History", speaking of this tragic 

affair, states: "While the direct responsibility for the calamity 

that overtook the Palestinian Arabs in A. D. 1948 was on the 

heads of the Zionist Jews who seized a lebensraum for themselves 

in Palestine by force of arms in that year, a heavy load of indirect, 

yet irrepudiable, responsibility was on the heads of the people of 

the United Kingdom; for the Jews would not have had in A. D. 

1948 the opportunity to conquer an Arab country in which they 

had what amounted to no more than an inconsiderable minority in 

A. D. 1918 if, during the intervening thirty years, the power 

of the United Kingdom had not been exerted continuously to make 

possible the entry of Jewish immigrants into Palestine contrary 

to the will, in despite of the the protests and without regard 

to the forebodings of Arab inhabitants of the country who in A. D. 

1948, were duly to become the victims of this long pursued British 



The news from the Eastern front, confirmed by Jewish intel- 
ligence, convinced world Jewry that Russia must soon collapse. 
Lord Reading's trip to the Untied States as head of the British 
financial mission to obtain a loan, had made an impression on 
American Jewry. But more important than these events, World 
Jewry had made a deal with Great Britain, and this was the 
determining factor that finally seduced Wilson to abandon his 
fight for peace and plunge America into its first world war! 

The Jewish population of the United States in January of 1917 
Was estimated by the Jews to be about three million. It was a 
recognized fact of life that the Jews would serve any cause that 


served the Jews. With a British army marching on the Holy 
Land, Jewish prospects for Palestine at the hand of the Kaiser 
began to fade. If Great Britain would guarantee world Jewry a 
foothold in Palestine, world Jewry would work for Great Britain. 
Negotiations were opened with the British government in February 
of 1917 with Sir Mark Sykes acting as the principal intermediary. 
On November 2, 1917, Lord Balfour reduced the results of the 
bargaining to writing in a letter addressed to Lionel Rothschild, 
the uncrowned King of Israel. This letter became known as the 
"Balfour Declaration", and reads as follows: 

"Dear Lord Rothschild — I have much pleasure in conveying 
to you on behalf of His Majesty's Government the following 
declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist asperations, which 
has been submitted to and approved by the Cabinet: 'His 
Majesty's Government views with favour the establishment in 
Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will 
use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this 
object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done 
which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of non- 
Jewish communities in Palestine or the rights and political 
status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.' I should be 
grateful if you would bring this Declaration to the knowledge 

of the Zionist Federation." 


The Jews labored diligently to make the Gentile public believe 
that Lord Balfour, seeing the "justice" of their cause, wrote the 
declaration after "selling" the idea to the British government. In 
reporting the issuance of the letter, the Zionists said: "The Balfour 
Declaration is justly so-called, not only because it fell to Sir 
Arthur Balfour, as Foreign Secretary, to write the historic letter, 
but also because he, more than any other single statesman, is res- 
ponsible for the policy embodied in the Declaration." 

And, of course, nothing could be further from the truth. The 
original draft was written by the Jews themselves. Justice Bran- 
deis edited it, President Wilson approved it, and it was then sub- 
mitted to Balfour for his signature. No event in the history of 
the United States is more humiliating. 

In his Biography of Justice Brandeis, Dr. Jacob de Haas 
tells the behind-the-scenes story: "A considerable number of drafts 
(of the Balfour Declaration) were made in London and transmitted 
to the United States through War Office channels for the use 
of the American Zionist Political Committee. The American 
ascendency in the war councils led the British to ask for Presi- 
dent Wilson's consent and approval of the terminology of the 
declaration before its issuance. The draft, cabled from govern- 
ment to government, was handed to the Brandeis regime for its 
approval. After a most necessary revision, President Wilson, 
acting through Colonel House, who was in full sympathy with 
the Zionist aims, authorized cabling to the British Government 


the version that was published, and to which all the allied govern- 
ments in turn gave their approval." (The "Brandeis regime" 
refers to the Provisional Executive Committee of General Zionist 
Affairs of which Brandeis was chairman.) 

Most students of Jewish intrigue suspected both the British and 
Jewish scheme and purpose behind the Balfour Declaration. Al- 
though the United States had been in the War for nearly seven 
months when the Declaration was made public, its significance as 
the factor that involved the United States was not unnoticed. 
There was considerable evidence available from which accurate 
inferences might be drawn. Governmental negotiations for deals 
of this nature, however, are always secret, and it is usually very 
difficult to obtain conclusive evidence at the time of the transaction. 
When the event is beyond repair and lost in the mists of the 
past, men are apt to write their memoirs and boast of secret 
exploits that one time rocked the world. So it is with Mr. Land- 
man He was Honorary Secretary of the Second Joint Zionist 
Council of the United Kingdom, editor of the Zionist, and Secretary 
and Solicitor of the Zionist Organization. Later he was legal 
advisor to the New Zionist Organization. Under the title "Great 
Britain, the Jews and Palestine", published in the London Jewish 
Chronicle for February 7, 1936, Mr. Landman writes, in part, as 

During the critical days of the war, in 1916, when the defec- 
tion of Russia was imminent and Jewish opinion generally 
was anti-Russian, and had hopes that Germany if victorious 
would in certain circumstances give them Palestine, several 
attempts were made by the Allies to bring America into the 
War on their side. These attempts were unsuccessful. Mr. 
Malcolm, who, at that time, was in close touch with the late 
Sir Mark Sykes (of the War Cabinet Secretariat) and Mr. 
George Picot (of the French Embassy in London) and M. 
Gout of the Quai d'Orsay (Eastern Section), took the initiative 
in convincing these representatives of the British and French 
Governments that the best and perhaps the only way to induce 
the American President to come into the War was to secure 
the co-operation of Zionist Jewry by promising them Palestine. 
By so doing the Allies would enlist and mobilize the hitherto 
unsuspectedly powerful force of Zionist Jewry in America and 
elsewhere in favour of the Allies on a quid pro quo basis. At 
that time, President Wilson attached the greatest possible 
importance to the advice of Mr. Justice Brandeis. . . . Sir Mark 
Sykes obtained permission from the War Cabinet to authorize 
Mr. Malcolm to approach the Zionists on that basis. Neither 
Sir Mark Sykes nor Mr. Malcolm knew who were the Zionists 
leaders and it was Mr. L. J. Greenberg to whom Mr. Malcolm 
applied for information to whom he should address himself. 
. . . The Zionists carried out their part and helped to bring 
America in, and the Balfour Declaration of November 2nd, 
1917, was but the public confirmation of the verbal agreement 


of 1916. This verbal agreement was made with the previous 
knowledge, acquiescence and approval not only of the British, 
American, French and other Allied Governments, but also 
of the Arab leaders. . . . As already explained elsewhere by 
me in detail, Dr. Weizmann and Mr. Sokolow knew that Mr. 
James Malcolm came to them as the emissary of the British 
War Cabinet, which authorized him to say in their name that 
England would 'give Palestine to the Jews' in return for Zion- 
ist assistance, through Justice Brandeis, in inducing the United 
States to come to the help of the Allies. . . . Both Sir Mark 
Sykes and Mr. Malcolm informed the Arab representatives in 
London and Paris that without the assistance of the United 
States the prospects of any Arab State arising after the War 
were most problematical, and they must therefore agree that 
Palestine should go to the Jews as the reward for their assis- 
tance in bringing in the United States." 

"Quid pro quo" — Something for something! Since the Germans 
appeared unable to deliver Palestine to the Jews in return for 
their support, international Jewry withdrew its support and pledged 
the blood and money of the United States — quid pro quo — Pal- 
estine! When it is remembered that world Jewry — in England 
and the United States — was secretly cooperating with Germany 
and sabotaging Russia — one of the Allies — in her war efforts on the 
Eastern Front right up to the time of the verbal pact — the plot 
is fully revealed in all its horrible implications. 

American Jewry was immediately mobilized. As a result of 
intense propaganda, Zionism won over the masses and most of the 
leaders of American Jews. Jacob Schiff, president of Kuhn, Loeb 
and Company, who had been an active financial supporter ot the 
Russian revolution since 1905, was probably the last to be con- 
verted. He had been a financial supporter of the German Jews 
Mutual Aid Society and during the war before American interven- 
tion, he and Heubsch formed the Neutral Conference Committee 
which hoped to coerce the belligerants to make peace on Jewish 
terms. It was this Committee that advanced the idea of a League 
of Nations. 

In 1916 the Zionists transferred their headquarters from Berlin 
to London. 

Probably the most powerful Jew in the British Government 
during the negotiations that resulted in the Balfour Declaration 
was Lord Reading. Lord Rothschild, Sir William Goschen, Sir 
Alfred Mond (Lord Melchett), Sir Edgar Speyer, Sir Ernest 
Cassell, Sir Edwin Samuel Montague, Herbert Lewis Samuel (Lord 
Samuel), Sir Harry Simon Samuel, Lord Swaythling (Lewis Sam- 
uel Montague), Sir Stuart Samuel, Sir Hamar Greenwood, Sir 
Philip Sassoon, and Isaac Blumchen, were some of the Jews and 
pro-Zionists among the Jewish Privy Councillors who pressured 
the British Government for the Declaration. 

Senator George W. Norris, speaking on the Declaration of War, 


said: "I know that this war madness has taken possession of the 
financial and political powers of our country . . . we are committing 
a sin against humanity and against our countrymen." 

With the declaration of war, Wilson appointed the Jew Bernard 
Baruch chairman of War Industries and gave him a virtual dic- 
tatorship over the industrial forces of the United States. 

Hubert Herring, in his book "And So To War" (1938) sums up 
the price the United States paid so that the Jews might have 
Palestine (page 20): 

"We paid for the war. We paid with the lives of the 126,000 
dead, of the 234,300 mutilated and wounded. We paid with the 
dislocated lives of hundreds of thousands whom the war 
wrenched from their accustomed places in a peaceful world. 
We paid in the imponderable damage to our national morale 
through the lashing of war hysteria. We paid with a period 
of economic confusion from which we have not yet escaped. 
The direct bill for the war has reached the figure of fifty-five 
billions of dollars. The indirect bill can never be reckoned." 

Russia was collapsing from within during the spring of 1917. 
Germany was battering her armies on the Eastern Front. The 
railroads broke down in March adding to the food shortages in 
the crowded cities. The Duma asked the Czar for a new Cabinet. 
He replied by sending a battalion to Petrograd to restore order, 
and commanded the Duma to dissolve. The troops were unable 
to restore order and the Duma continued its meetings in the 
Tauride Palace. On March 12th the mob arrested the Cabinet 
and selected the president of the Duma, Michael Rodzyanko to 
chairman a temporary committee to organize a new government, 
and to notify the Czar that he must abdicate. 

The Czar, returning from the front, was stopped by railway 
employees at Tsarkoe-Selo, where he was confronted by the depu- 
tation from Petrograd and informed that he must abdicate. Having 
no alternative Nicolas complied, naming his brother, the Grand 
Duke Michael as his successor. The Grand Duke announced that 
he would not accept the crown unless the forthcoming Constituent 
Assembly ratified his accession. Prince George Lvov became the 
head of the Provisional Government, and Alexander Kerensky, 
Jewish socialist member of the Dumas' Temporary Committee, 
became Minister of Justice. Socialist Nicholai Chkeidz, president 
of the Petrograd Soviet of Worker's and Soldier's Deputies (of 
which Kerensky was vice-president) refused to cooperate with 
the Temporary Committee of the Duma, and continued to hold 
rump meetings in the Tauride Palace. ("Soviet" is the Russian 
word for "Committee".) It was the policy of the Soviet to dictate 
to the Provisional Government without taking over governmental 
powers. In the beginning the Provisional Government passed the 
decrees dictated by the Soviet. These included a general amnesty 


for all imperial prisoners; freedom of speech, press and assembly; 
labor's right to strike; universal suffrage, and a call for a Con- 
stituent Assembly through elections to be held in the autumn. 

The Soviet (although the Provisional Government had met all 
of its basic demands) refused to dissolve. It continued its sessions. 
Without consulting the Provisional Government, it issued to the 
Army, on March 14th, its own decree, "Order No. 1". The soldiers 
were told to organize committees (Soviets) and obey the Soviet 
in political decisions; to disregard orders of the Duma which con- 
flicted with Soviet decisions; that the weapons in their hands 
were their own, and were not to be surrendered to their officers. 

Lenin had been in Galacia when the War began. He returned 
to Switzerland where he continued to write and propagandize, 
calling on the "toiling" masses of Russia and the world "to turn 
the imperialist war into revolution". With the abdication of the 
Czar and Russia's revolutionary masses wrestling for supremacy, 
Lenin sought a means of returning to Petrograd. Germany had 
counted strongly on revolution to take Russia out of the War, and 
when Lenin and his revolutionary henchmen in Switzerland re- 
quested assistance for the journey, the German Government was 
quick to oblige. In addition to Lenin, there were the Jews Zino- 
viev, Kamenev, Radek and about twenty-five other Bolsheviks to 
be transported. Germany provided a "sealed" car "which was 
routed through Denmark, then through Sweden and Finland. The 
revolutionaries arrived in Petrograd on April 16th 

Father Edmund A. Walsh (vice-president, Georgetown Univer- 
sity) explains the "sealed car" as follows: "They were put in a 
car — a so-called sealed car, which was only a metaphor. It was 
not physically sealed. But it was sealed, if you want to call it 
such, becuse the German Government, knowing what kind of 
people these were, and what a dangerous influence, made them 
agree that in passing through Germany, and going over to Finland, 
when the train stopped in a German state, the car was to be 
isolated, and therefore, in that sense — in that their intent, nom- 
inally, to overthrow the government — should not be known to the 
German people — the car was sealed. That is the meaning of the 
words 'sealed car'." 

Joseph Vissarionovich Djugashvilla, who called himself Stalin 
("steel") was in exile in Siberia when the Czar gave up his throne. 
He had met Lenin briefly in Tammerfors, Finland, in 1905. It is 
reported that Lenin distrusted Stalin, although the Russian com- 
munist writers during Stalin's dictatorship attempted to make the 
world believe differently. 

The little Jew Trotsky, whose real name was Lev Bronstein, had 


long before fled the borders of Russia, one jump ahead of the 
Russian police. When the March revolution brought the three 
hundred year dynasty of the Romanovs to an end, Trotsky was 
on a soap box in Union Square in New York City berating the 
Government that had given him refuge. News of Lenin's arrange- 
ments with the German Government to return to Russia must 
have reached Trotsky in New York. In any event he raised enough 
money to make an attempt to join his fellow revolutionaries 
in Petrograd. He was apprehended by British authorities and 
detained in Halifax for a time. It is one of the ironies of history 
(or it was planned that way) that Trotsky, who was to be largely 
responsible for the overthrow of the Kerensky Government, was 
finally released by the British and permitted to proceed to Russia 
at Kerensky's request! 

Max Eastman wrote a biography of Trotsky in 1924. He states 
in his preface that he was seeking the "character" of the Bolshe- 
viks. "Instead of writing another dissertation about it," he writes, 
"therefore, I decided to compose the portrait of one of these char- 
acters. I chose Trotsky because he seems to me the most uni- 
versally gifted man in the world today. ... If we can understand 
how Trotsky became a Bolshevik, we shall have some human 
understanding of what Bolshevism is." 

The Jewish revolutionaries, the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, to- 
gether with their Gentile recruits, did not number more than 30,000 
to 40,000 during the March and November revolutions of 1917. 

Lenin took over a private house for his headquarters in Petro- 
grad. It has been said — and the facts appear to confirm the 
reports — that the German Government had supplied Lenin with 
a considerable sum of money to finance his campaign in destroy- 
ing Russia's will to continue the War. Lenin, the master mob 
psychologist, immediately assumed command of the communist 
wing of the Soviet of Worker's and Soldier's Deputies, and set up 
the cry, "All power to the Soviets", which was equivalent, of 
course, to crying, "Down with the Provisional Government". 

Kerensky did everything within his abilities to reorganize the 
Russian armies and carry on the war in support of the Allies. The 
able General Brusilov was made commender-in-chief, and Russia's 
offensive on the Austrian front was successful at first. Lenin — 
confirming the reports of his deal with the Germans — brought all 
of his talents into play in demoralizing the troops. Communist 
propaganda reaching the armies called upon the soldiers to frater- 
nize with the enemy, give up the war, go home with their arms 
and confiscate land for themselves and take over the factories. 
Kerensky did not help matters by appointing political commissars 
to represent the Provivional Government at the front. With 


whole regiments deserting, General Brusilov's campaign ultimately 



A Congress of Soviets was held in Petrograd in June, 1917. Lenin 

had worked feverishly in organizing such committees throughout 

Russia. Although all of the delegates were revolutionaries, each 

group sought control and direction of the revolution. Lenin's 

Bolshevik (majority) wing was still in the minority with only 

105 delegates. The Mensheviks (minority) had 248 — of which 

Leon Trotsky, who had just arrived from New York, was one. 

The Social Revolutionaries topped the list with 285 delegates. 

Kerensky acted promptly in this crisis and Lenin was forced to 

seek refuge on a farm near Razliv on the Finnish border. 

With the collapse of the Austrian front, General Kornilov 
demanded discipline and death for deserters. The Russian people 
responded to a strong voice, and Kerensky made Kornilov com- 
mander-in-chief. Kornilov sent General Krymov with a strong 
force to establish order in Petrograd, which resulted in a military 
engagement with Kerensky instead. Bleeding Russia became hope- 
lessly divided. 

Kerensky, relying on socialist revolutionaries in the army, 
ordered Kornilov's arrest. General Krymov committed suicide. 
About all that Kerensky could count on were the women's bat- 
talions. The armies continued to disintegrate and chaos and con- 
flict wracked the country. 


In October Trotsky was elected vice-president of the Soviet. 
The Constituent Assembly was scheduled to convene within a few 
days, and Lenin and Trotsky concluded that the time to strike 
was now or never. On October 25 (November 7 by the Western 
calendar) the revolutionaries stormed the Winter Palace where 
the Kerensky Government was then established. The cruiser 
Aurora was brought up the river from Kronstadt and her guns 
turned on the palace. Petrograd was in the hands of Lenin and 
Trotsky before the dawn broke October 26th. Red guards were 
posted throughout the city and the Red flag fluttered from the 
flag-pole over the Royal Palace. The revolution belonged to Lenin 
and Trotsky. 

Kerensky managed to escape but most of the members of his 

Cabinet were captured and imprisoned. 


The revolutionary Jews in the new Soviet Government out- 
numbered the Gentiles by amazing percentages. The following 
were all Jewish: Trotsky (Bronstein), Stecklov (Nakhames), Mar- 
tov (Tzderbaum), Zinoviev (Apfelbaum), Kamenev (Rosenfeld), 


Dan (Gourevitch or Yurewitsch), Gametsky (Furstenberg), Parvus 
(Helphand), Uritzky (Padomilsky), Larin (Lurge), Bohrin (Nath- 
ansohn), Martinov (Zibar), Bogdanov (Zelberstein), Garin (Gar- 
feld), Suchanov (Gimel), Kamnelv (Goldman), Sagersky (Kroch- 
mann), Riazanov (Goldenach), Solutzev (Bleichmann), Piatnit- 
zky (Zivan), Axelrod, Glasunov (Schultze), Zuriesain (Weinstein), 
and Lapsinky (Lowensohn). 

The Ministry or Commissariat — the People's Commissars — was 
composed of 3 Russians, 1 Georgian, 1 Armenian and 17 Jews. 
The Central Committee had 5 Russians, 6 Letts, 1 German, 2 
Armenians, 1 Czech, 1 Imeritian, 2 Georgians, 1 Karaim, 1 Ukran- 
ian and 41 Jews. The Extraordinary Commission at Moscow had 
1 Pole, 1 German, 1 Armenian, 2 Russians, 8 Letts, and 23 Jews. 
Out of 556 important functionaries of the Bolshevik Government, 
there were (in 1918-1919) 17 Russians, 2 Ukranians, 11 Armenians, 
35 Letts, 15 Germans, 1 Hungarian, 10 Georgians, 3 Poles, 1 Czech, 
3 Finns, 1 Karaim, and 457 Jews. 

In conformance with the international character of socialism and 
the Marxian doctrine that the workers of the world should unite 
in order to seize the instruments of production and distribution, 
the Russian Communist Party after the November, 1917 revolution, 
by means of the Central Soviet of People's Commissars, issued a 
decree appropriating two million rubles for international revolu- 
tionary propaganda. The decree reads as follows: 

"Inasmuch as the Soviet power firmly adheres to the prin- 
ciples of international solidarity of the proletariat and of 
fraternity of the toilers of all lands, and 

"Inasmuch as the struggle against war and imperialism 
can be brought to victory only on an international scale: 

"Therefore, the Soviet of People's Commissaries deems it 
necessary to bring all possible means, including money, to the 
aid of the Left International Wing of the Workers' movement 
of all lands, quite regardless of whether these countries are 
at war or in alliance with Russia; or whether they are neutral. 
"To that end the Soviet of People's Commissaries orders to 
appropriate for the needs of the revolutionary internatoinal 
movement 2,000,000 rubles, to be taken charge of by the for- 
eign representative of the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs." 
The decree was signed by Lenin as President of the Soviet 
People's Commissaries, and by Trotsky, as the Commissar of For- 
eign Affairs. As a result of this appropriation, well financed 
propagandists were dispatched to European countries and to the 
United States. 

On March 19, 1917, at eight o'clock in the evening David R. 
Francis, United States Ambassador to Russia, addressed Communi- 
cation No. 1110 to the United States Secretary of State. Among 
other things, the Ambassador reported that it was "immeasurably 
important to the Jews that (the) revolution succeed." (House Docu- 


merit No. 1868, 65th Congress, 3rd Session, Papers Relating to the 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1918, Russia (In Three 
Volumes), Volume I, page 7.) 

In Communication No. 1361 (June 5, 1917) the Ambassador told 
the Secretary that Russian refugees were returning from America 
and that they were "planning to inspire attack upon Root charging 
that as Secretary of State he refused to permit certain Russian 
refugees to enter the United States." (Ibid., page 114). In reply 
Secretary of State Robert Lansing cabled Ambassador Francis 
setting forth the contents of a letter written Jacob Schiff by Mr. 
Root under date of October 16, 1908, explaining United States law 
as it pertained to political refugees entering the country. (Ibid., 
114, 115.) 

On July 18, 1917 Ambassador Francis notified the Secretary of 
State that the Socialists of Russia were "making supreme effort 
to put their principles into operation" and that they were being 
"assisted by German money in abundance." The Ambassador 
pointed out that the "Russian population comprises Caucasian, 
yellow and Semitic races as classified here and composed of sev- 
enty-four nationalities." He believed that the problem was "ex- 
tremely difficult but not insoluble." He referred to "deplorable 
conditions mainly attributable to returned exiles, majority from 
America, Trotsky being most troublesome." (Ibid., page 203). 

The Red Ambassadors from Soviet Russia to Berlin, Paris, Rome, 
Tokyo, Ankara, Brussels, Oslo, Stockholm, Bucharest, Riga, Tallin 
and Helsingfors were all Jews. William G. Sharpe, Ambassador 
to France reported to the United States Secretary of State, Febru- 
ary 9, 1918: "Your 3118 (3154) February 7. I have just been 
informed by the Foreign Office that the report to which you refer 
is entirely correct. It was explained that the British Government 
having received a representative of the Bolshevik Government 
there was nothing else to do for the French Government but to 
adopt a similar course. It has therefore visaed the passport of 
Kamenev proceeding to Paris via England in the capacity of Envoy 
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at Large. I have been informed 
that it is also (true that?) Zalkind has been appointed in the same 
capacity to Switzerland. I am told that the latter is the brother- 
in-law of Trotsky and has been his assistant secretary. The For- 
eign Office informs me that until recently a representative of the 
Bolshevik government by the name of Holzman was here in 
Paris ..." 

The following excerpts are from translated documents sent to 
the Secretary of State: "Document No. 1. Circular 18 February 
1914 . . . The management of all German banks which are trans- 
acting business abroad and by agreement with the Austro-Hun- 
garian Government the Osterreiehische-Kreditanstalt Bank are 
hereby advised that the Imperial Government has deemed it to 
be of extreme necessity to the management of all institutions of 


credit to establish with all possible dispatch agencies in Lulea, 
Haparanda and Vardo on the frontier of Finland, and in Bergen 
and Amsterdam. . . . Moreover, the managements of banking insti- 
tutions are urged emphatically to make provisions for very close 
and absolutely secret relations being established with Finnish and 
American Banks. In this direction the Ministry begs to recommend 
the Swedish Nya Banken in Stockholm; the banking office of 
Furstenberg; the commercial company Waldemar Hansen, in 
Copenhagen, as concerns which are maintaining relations with 
Russia." The circular was signed "N3737." (Ibid., page 372.) Am- 
bassador Francis commented: "This is outline of basic financial 
structure begun February, 1914, five months before the war was 
launched and still in operation; notice reappearance in subsequent 
Lenin messages, towns Lulea and Vardo, likewise reference to 
American banks. Olof Aschberg, one of the heads of the Nya 
Banken, came to Petrograd month ago and boasted that N. B. 
(Nya Banken) was the Bolshevik Bank. He was overheard by one 
of our own group . . . Furstenberg is now at Smolny under the 
name of Ganetski, is one of the inner group and is likely soon to 
be placed in charge State Bank. Aschberg now in Stockholm but 
returning. The material in this and other comments is inde- 
pendent of the documents and accurate on fact statement." (Ibid., 
pages 372 and 373.) 

Document No. 2 is signed by "Doctor Fisher", and is headed 
"Circular June 9 (November 2?), 1914." It was addressed to "all 
military attaches in the countries adjacent to Russia, France, Italy, 
and Norway." It announced that "special war credits have been 
opened for the subsidiary war requirements" in all branches of 
German banks in Sweden, Norway, Switzerland and the United 
States. "The General Staff," reads the communication, "is author- 
izing you to avail yourself in unlimited amounts of these credits 
for the destruction of the enemy's factories, plants and the most 
important military and civil structures. Simultaneously with the 
investigation (instigation) of strikes it is necessary to make pro- 
visions for the damaging of motors, of mechanisms, with the 
destruction of vessels, setting incendiary fires to stocks of raw 
material and finished products, deprivation of large towns of their 
electric energy, stocks of fuel and provisions. Special agents 
detailed, which will be at your disposal, will deliver to you explo- 
sive and incendiary devices and a list of such persons in the 
country under your observation who will assume the duty of 
agents of destruction." (Ibid., page 373.) Ambassador Francis 
pointed out that the document was dated six weeks before the 
outbreak of war in 1914. 

Document No. 3 is signed "Risser", and dated "Circular Novem- 
ber 2, 1914". It is addressed to the representatives of the Nya 
Banken and the agents of the Diskonto Gesellschaft and Deutsche 


Bank. "At the present time," the document reads, "there have 
been concluded conversations between the authorized agents of 
the Imperial Bank and the Russian revolutionaries, Messsrs. Zenzi- 
nov and Lunacharski. Both the mentioned persons addressed 
themselves to several financial men, who, for their part, addressed 
themselves to our representatives. We are ready to support the 
agitation and porpaganda projected by them in Russia on the 
absolute condition that the agitation and propaganda (carried on?) 
by the above mentioned Messrs. Z. and L. will touch the active 
armies at the front. In case the agents of the Imperial Bank 
should address themselves to your banks we beg you to open 
them the necessary credit which will be covered completely as 
soon as you make demand on Berlin." An addition to the docu- 
ment states that "Z. and L. got in touch with the Imperial Bank 
of Germany through the bankers (D?) Rubenstein, Max Warburg 
and Parvus." Comments Ambassador Francis: "L. is the present 
People's Commissar of Education. Z. is not a Bolshevik, but a right 
Social Revolutionist and in the discard, whereabouts unknown. 
Parvus and Warburg both figure in the Lenin and Trotsky docu- 
ments. P. is at Copenhagen. W. chiefly works from Stockholm." 
(Ibid., 373-374.) 

Document No. 5 is signed "Kirdorff," president of Kirdorffs 
Rhenish Westphalian Industrial Syndicate, and is addressed to 
the central office of Nya Banken in Stockholm; Svenson Baltzer, 
a representative of Diskonto Gesellschaft in Stockholm, and to a 
Mr. Kirch, representative of the Deutsche Bank in Switzerland. 
'The Rhenish Westphalian Industrial Coal Syndicate," writes 
Kirdorff, "charges you with the management of the account of 
what you have been apprised for the support of Russian emigrants 
desirous of conducting propaganda amongst Russian prisoners of 
war and the Russian army." 

Document No. 6 is dated June 18, 1917 at Copenhagen, signed 
"Svensen", and addressed to "Mr. Ruffner, Helsingfors." The 
communication reads: "Please be advised that from the Diskonto 
Gesellschaft account, 315,000 marks have been transferred to Mr. 
Lenin's account in Kronstadt as per order of syndicate ..." Com- 
ments Ambassador Francis: "Kronstadt, the navy base, was the 
nerve center from which L's activities radiated during the summer, 
both before and after he fled from Petrograd. Sailors were, and 
still are, his first dependence ..." 

Document No. 7 is signed "Svenson", dated September 8, 1917 
at Stockholm, and addressed to "Mr. Farsen, Kronstadt (via Hel- 
singfors)," and reads as follows: "Carried out your commission: 
passports and the indicated sum of 207,000 marks as per order 
of your Mr. Lenin have been handed to person mentioned in your 
letter. The selection met with approval of his excellency the 
ambassador. Confirm the arrival of said persons and separate 


receipt of your counter receipts." Ambassador Francis noted that 
the ambassador referred to was probably "Von Lucius", a compli- 
mentary reference. 

Document No. 8 is signed "Kriek," Deutsche Bank, dated at 
Kontrerazvedka, Geneva, June 16, 1917, addressed to Mr. Fursten- 
berg at Stockholm. It reads as follows: "Please note that at the 
request of Mr. (Jullias?) francs 32,000 have been paid for the pub- 
lication of Maximalist socialist pamphlets. Advise by telegram 
addressed to Decker of the receipt of the consignment of pamph- 
lets, number of bill of lading and date of arrival." 

Document No. 9, signed by J. Furstenberg, addressed to Mr. 
Raphael Scholnickan at Haparanda, reads as follows: "Dear 
Comrade: The office of the banking house M. Warburg has opened, 
in accordance with telegram from Rhenish Westphalian Syndicate, 
an account for the undertaking of Comrade Trotsky. The attorney 
(?) purchased arms and has organized their transportation and 
delivery track Lulea and Vardo to the office of Essen & Son in 
the name of Lulea receivers and a person authorized to receive the 
money demanded by Comrade Trotsky." Comments Ambassador 
Francis: "This is the first reference to Trotsky. It connects him 
with banker Warburg and with Furstenberg. Lulea is a Swedish 
town near Haparanda." (Ibid., pages 375-376.) 

Document No. 10 was signed by J. Furstenberg, dated October 2, 
1917, and addressed to Mr. Antonov at Haparanda. It reads: 
"Comrade Trotsky's request has been carried out. From the account 
of the syndicate and the Ministry (probably Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs in Berlin, press division) 400,000 Kroner have been taken 
and remitted to Comrade Sonia who will call on you with this 
letter and will hand you the said sum of money." Comments the 
Ambassador: "Antonov is the chief military leader of the Bol- 
sheviki. He was in command of the forces that took St. Peters- 
burg. He is now in the field against Kaledin and Alexeev. At 
the date of this letter Trotsky was already at the head of Petro- 
grad Soviet and the Bolshevik revolution was only a month away." 
(Ibid., page 376.) 

On October 8, 1918, the Charge dAffaires in London transmitted 
to the United States Secretary of State a copy of a note (October 
1, 1918) and a report from M. Oudendyke, Netherlands Minister, 
"relating to conditions in Petrograd." The note from the British 
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Balfour) to the American 
Ambassador (Page) is numbered 162839/W/38 and reads as follows: 

"The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs presents his 
compliments to his excellency the United States Ambassador 
and, with reference to his note No. 1261 of the 25th September, 
has the honour to transmit herewith, for his excellency's con- 
fidential information, a copy of the report by the Netherlands 


Minister, relating to conditions in Petrograd, which was re- 
ceived through His Majesty's Minister at Christiana. 

"Mr. Balfour trusts that his excellency will agree with him 
in considering that it is undesirable that any of the information 
contained in the report should be made public until the Allied 
subjects and citizens now in the power of the Bolsheviks have 
left that country." (House Document No. 1868, 65th Congress, 
3rd Session, page 674.) 

Among other things, the Netherlands Minister reported that 
"the Red Guards under the direction of the several commissaries 
. . . behaved with greatest brutality," and that the "whole Soviet 
government has sunk to the level of a criminal organization . . ." 

"The danger is now so great," continued the Minister, "that I 
feel it my duty to call the attention of the British and all other 
Governments to the fact that if an end is not put to Bolshevism 
in Russia at once the civilization of the whole world will be 
threatened. This is not an exaggeration but a sober matter of 
fact; and the most unusual action of German and Austrian Consul 
Generals before referred to, in joining in protest of neutral lega- 
tions appears to indicate that the danger is also realized in 
German and Austrian quarters. I consider that the immediate 
suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue now before the 
world, not even excluding the war which is still raging, and unless 
as above stated Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately it 
is bound to spread in one form or another over Europe and the 
whole world as it is organized and worked by Jews who have no 
nationality, and whose one object is to destroy for their own ends 
the existing order of things ..." (Ibid., pages 675, 678-679.) 

Trotsky and Lenin believed that the success and permanency 
of the government they had won for themselves depended on world 
revolution. It was Stalin, in later years, who advanced the idea 
that "socialism in one country" was feasible. In the beginning, 
however, Marxist leaders could not conceive of bourgeoisie gov- 
ernments permitting such a world threat to fester on their door- 
steps without exerting strenuous efforts to eradicate it. Hence 
it was that Tcheidze, president of the Executive Committee, 
issued a manifesto to the workers and socialists of foreign coun- 
tries. "We appeal to our brothers," read the document, "to the 
proletarians of the German-Austria coalition, and above all to the 
German proletariat . . . We call upon you to throw off the yoke 
of your absolutist regime . . . Workingmen of all countries! . . . 
we summon you to the work of renewing and solidifying interna- 
tional unity. In that lies the guaranty of our future triumph and 
of the complete liberation of humanity. Workers of all countries, 

A "Bureau of International Revolutionary Propaganda" was 


established. (After World War II this Bureau was revived as the 
"Cominform", — a contraction of Communist Information Bureau.) 
Here international revolutionary propaganda was prepared and 
translated into the major languages for distribution in other coun- 
tries. Agents were dispatched to the key-industrial centers of the 
world for the purpose of setting up open revolutionary communist 
parties, and impressing upon socialists everywhere the necessity 
to "defend the Soviet Union"- a. slogan which is still the number 
one commandment of all Communist parties. Lenin declared: 
"Only after we have completely forced down and expropriated the 
bourgeoisie of the whole world and not of one country alone, will 
wars become impossible," thereby re-emphasizing the basic Jewish 
idea of world government. 

It was only by virtue of this open and hostile attitude of the 
new rulers of Russia that the Western World partially awakened 
to the menace of the monster it had permitted to live. Diplomatic 
representatives were withdrawn from Russia and the Allies ordered 
a blockade of the Russian ports. Counter-revolutions started early 
— in Siberia, Southern Russia, and in the Murmansk district. 
Admiral Kolchak headed the revolt in Siberia; General Denikin in 
the South. The counter-revolutionists of the Archangel district 
were assisted by Allied troops among which were American units. 

The foreign policy of the Soviet Government was brutally frank. 
It declared itself the enemy of every existing government. Radek 
and Jaffee were in charge of guiding the revolutionary movement 
of the Spartacides in Germany. Axelrod was the communist agent 
in Bavaria and Bela Kun (Aaron Cohen) became the scourge of 
Hungary. Trotsky and his cut-throats were actually more hostile 
toward the Allied nations than they were toward Germany. The 
shameless Brest-Litovsk Treaty — separate peace with Germany — 
appeared as a brazen admission of the truth of the charge that 
Lenin and his Bolshevists were, in fact, German agents. 

The Soviet Government was in real danger of collapsing. The 
struggle for power of the various Jewish revolutionary groups, 
the resistance of Christian Russia, and the famine and misery of 
the people generally, created a chaotic internal situation. It was 
seriously aggravated by the Allied blockade and the counter- 
revolutionary armies of Kolchak and Denikin. The Jewish leaders 
soon realized that the regime must fall unless outside pressures 
were relaxed. Lenin and Trotsky found themselves on the horns 
of a dilemma. To seek friendship with the foreign powers they had 
openly vowed to destroy would thoroughly discredit the communist 
government with the revolutionary forces of the world. To con- 
tinue open advocacy of the destruction of all governments as the 
central theme of Soviet foreign policy must necessarily increase 
Allied hostility. Marxism, however, had a ready solution for 


such a predicament. Starting with the premise of bougeois stu- 
pidity, the communist strategists worked out a plan whereby they 
might have their cake and eat it at the same time, thereby proving 
that the "bloated" capitalist nations could be made to believe that 
the Soviet Union was, indeed, both fish and fowl. They, therefore, 
called for an "autonomous" international organization, separate and 
distinct from the Soviet Government. The Soviets might now 
seek recognition by foreign governments, disclaiming any jurisdic- 
tion over the international body that called for bloody revolution 
throughout the world. 


In response to a "call" during January, 1919, by the Russian 
Soviet government for a constituent congress to organize the third 
socialist international, a conference was held March 2nd through 
the 6th, 1919, at Moscow. Thirty-two delegates representing com- 
munist and radical socialist groups in twelve different countries 
answered the roll-call at the opening session. In addition to the 
"accredited" delegates from Russia, Germany, Hungary, German- 
Austria, Sweden, Norway, Bulgaria, Roumania, Finland, Ukrainia, 
Esthonia and Armenia, there were "fraternal" delegates with 
voice but no vote, from Switzerland, Holland, Bohemia, Jugo-Slavia, 
France, Great Britain, Turkey, Turkestan, Persia, Korea and the 
United States. 

Trotsky, Lenin, Bucharin, Kamenev, Tchitcherin, and N. Steklov 
of the Russian Communist Party, took the leading roles in the 
conference. Rakovsky of the Balkan Socialist Federation; Skrip- 
nik of Ukrainia; Stang, representing the Norwegian Left Socialists; 
Grimlund of the Swedish Socialist Party; Sadoul and Guilbau of 
the French Socialist Party; Platten of the Swiss Socialist Party; 
Albrecht of the German Spartacus group, and Sirola of the Fin- 
nish Communists, were other leaders who took active parts in the 
deliberations of the proceedings. 

The Spartacan, Albrecht, opposed the immediate formation of the 
Third International as premature. The Second International had 
not ceased to exist and its member organizations had not had an 
opportunity to make known their attitude toward the new organ- 
ization. The prevailing opinion was that the immediate formation 
of a new International would stimulate discussion and decision 
on the part of the Socialist parties with regard to their affiliation 
with elements who were attempting to revive the Second Interna- 
tional. The Conference therefore "liquidated" the Zimmerwald 
movement, and perfected the organization of the new International, 
which would become known as the "Comintern", the contraction of 
the name "Communist International". Zinoviev became the Presi- 
dent of the Executive Committee. 

Boris Reinstein represented the American Socialist Labor Party 


at the Conference. In his speech to the assembled "comrades" he 
declared: "There is an America of Wilson and the millionaire 
Morgan and other stranglers of the American working class; there 
is an America of the proletariat, the workers, striving toward lib- 
erty the same as you are striving here. And in the name of these 
millions of the American proletariat, not only socialistically revo- 
lutionary inclined, but, I tell you, bolshevistically inclined, I appear 
here." This ridiculous statement was enthusiastically applauded. 

"Comrade" Feinburg spoke for the Socialist Party of England. 
One Lenivudi spoke for Scotland. Pertz represented Germany, 
and Markovich brought revolutionary greetings from Serbia. 

Lenin, Trotsky, Zinoviev, Rakovsky and Fritz Platten were 
commissioned to write the Comintern's manifesto. It ends in 
Marxian fashion: 

"Proletarians of all lands! In the war against imperialistic 

barbarity, against monarchy, against the privileged classes, 

against the bourgeois state and bourgeois property, against all 

forms and varieties of social and national oppression — UNITE! 

"Under the standard of the Workingmen's Councils, under the 

banner of the Third International, in the revolutionary struggle 

for power and the dictatorship of the proletariat, proletarians 

of all countries UNITE!" 


There was no actual difference in opinion among the leaders 
of the various socialist groups in the United States as to ultimate 
goals, although there was a difference of opinion in regard to 
immediate tactics. The success of the revolution in Russia was 
an intoxicating incentive to the Jewish socialists and other foreign 
language groups. Many of the older leaders, understanding some- 
thing of the American people, opposed an open revolutionary party 
as premature. The Jewish leaders of the Left Wing socialists 
believed that the entire working class was anxiously waiting for 
the clarion call that would bring them rushing to the barricades. 
The Russian Socialist Federation, under the leadership of Alex- 
ander Stoklitsky, Oscar Tywerowsky and Michael Misleg, was in 
close touch wtih the "comrades" in Russia, and its members were 
convinced that their organization was a much further "advanced" 
Marxist revolutionary group than the others. After all, N. Bu- 
charin had been the editor of their official organ "Novy Mir," and 
"comrade" Leon Trotsky had been on the editorial staff during 
his stay in New York City in 1917. Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, 
now the unofficial representative of the Soviet Union, was cur- 
rently connected with the paper. Santeri Nuorteva, the represen- 
tative of the Finnish Socialist Republic, had even appealed to 
Gregory Weinstein, Novy Mir's editor, for assistance in 1917. 
Consequently the members of the Russian Socialist Federation 
called for the formation of a Communist Party of the United States. 

"Der Kampf," the official organ of the Jewish Socialist Federa- 


ation, raised its voice in favor of a militant revolutionary Com- 
munist Party. Other radical left-wing socialist groups joined in 
the clamor. 

On February 15, 1919 a socialist meeting was held in New York 
City. Certain delegates bolted, procured a hall in the Rand School 
of Social Science at 7 East 15th Street, and elected a Committee of 
Fourteen to prepare resolutions and manifestoes. As a result, a 
manifesto was drafted and a convention was called. Maximilian 
Cohen was elected Executive Secretary; L. L. Wolfe, recording sec- 
retary (later succeeded by Fanny Hourwich); Rose Pastor Stokes, 
treasurer; and Rose Spanier, financial secretary (later succeeded 
by Milton Goodman). A City Committee of Fifteen was elected to 
carry on the work of the organization. They were: Benjamin 
Gitlow, Nicholas I. Hourwich, Fanny Hourwich, Jay Lovestone, 
James Larkin, Harry Hiltzik, Edward I. Lindgren, Milton Good- 
man, John Reed, Joseph Brodsky, Dr. Julius Hammer, Jeanette D, 
Pearl, Karl Brodsky, Mrs. L. Ravitch and Bertram D. Wolfe. 

An Executive Committee was selected to carry on actively the 
work of organizing the Left Wing Section. Its members were 
Benjamin Gitlow, Nicholas I. Hourwich, George Lehman, James 
Larkin, L. Himmelfarb, George C. Vaughn, Benjamin Corsor, Ed- 
ward I. Lindgren and Maxmilian Cohen. 

Headquarters were immediately opened at 43 West 29th Street, 
New York City, and a vigorous campaign was carried on to enroll 
members of the Socialist Party in the Left Wing Section. 

John Reed, the first "American" communist, whose body is 
interred in the wall of the Kremlin in Moscow, became the editor 
of the Left Wing Section's official paper, the New York Communist. 
Eadmonn Mac Alpine was associate editor, and Maximilian Cohen 
was business manager. The publication's first issue appeared April 
19, 1919, and its subversiveness is made clear by its editorial. "We 
take our stand," it declares, "with the Russian Communist Party 
(Bolshevik) with the Spartacides of Germany, and the Commu- 
nists of Hungary and Bavaria, believing that only through the dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat can the Socialist order be brought 

The National Conference of the Left Wing met pursuant to call 
in New York City on June 21, 1919. The Conference decided to 
"continue the fight to rally all revolutionary elements for a Com- 
munist Party." The Conference was composed of over ninety dele- 
gates from twenty different cities. In addition to those already 
mentioned, the following are of importance: Louis C. Fraina (edi- 
tor of the "Revolutionary Age"); William Bross Lloyd, of Chicago 
(elected permanent chairman); A. Renner, of Detroit (elected 
vice-chairman); Dennis E. Batt, C. E. Ruthenberg, I. E. Ferguson, 
A. Wagenknecht, A. Anderson, Jack Carney and John Ballam. 

A National Organizing Committee was set up by a rump caucus 


of the Conference, consisting of Dennis E. Batt, D. Elbaum, 0. C. 
Johnson, John Keracher, S. Kopnagel, I. Stilson, and Alexander 
Stoklitsky. Offices were opened at 1221 Blue Island Avenue, Chi- 
cago. The Committee issued a "call" or a "national convention" 
at Chicago, September 1, 1919, to organize a Communist Party of 
America. The announcement was printed in the Novy Mir issue for 
July 7, 1919, and read, in part, as follows: 

"In this the most momentous period of the world's history, 
capitalism is tottering to its ruins. The proletariat is strain- 
ing at the chains which bind it. A revolutionary spirit is 
spreading throughout the world. The workers are rising to 
answer the clarion call of the Third International. 

"Only one Socialism is possible in this crisis. A Socialism 
based upon understanding. A Socialism that will express in 
action the needs of the proletriat. The time has passed for 
temporizing and hesitating. We must act. The Communist 
call of the Third International, the echo of the Communist 
Manifesto of 1848, must be answered." 

The Convention opened as scheduled. I. E. Ferguson, writing 
in the "Communist" for September 27th, describes the revolutionary 
vigor with which the "party" got under way. "There was one 
moment," he relates, "which revealed the tense enthusiasm of this 
Convention, a moment never to be forgotten. On Monday, Sep- 
tember 1st, near the hour of noon, an orchestra struck the first 
chord of the Internationale. Instantly there was a thunderous 
accompaniment of sustained cheering and spontaneous singing. 
There was no mistaking the martial challenge. It was as if the 
voices of the millions had come into this colorless hall to impress 
upon these delegates their deprivations and longings, their strength 
and readiness for the final conflict. It was a rare singing of the 
Internationale. So began the Communist Party of America." 

Louis C. Fraina of New York was elected temporary chairman. 
The principal business before the delegates was the formulation 
of a constitution and program. The "program" committee was 
composed of Louis C. Fraina, D. Elbaum, Alexander Stoklitsky, 
Nicholas I. Hourwich, A. Bittleman, Dennis E. Batt, Max Cohen, 
Jay Lovestone and H. M. Wicks. The "constitution" committee 
consisted of H. Hiltzig, Carl E. Ruthenberg, George Ashkenouzi, 
Isaac E. Ferguson, Oscar Tywerowsky, J. G. Stilson, and A. 

Louis C. Fraina was chosen as International Secretary; Carl 
E. Ruthenberg, of Cleveland, National Secretary. The Interna- 
tional delegates selected were: Ruthenberg, Nicholas I. Hourwich, 
Alexander Stoklitsky, and Isaac E. Ferguson; alternate Interna- 
tional delegates, D. Elbaum, A. Bittleman, John Ballam, and Jay 
Lovestone. The Executive Committee consisted of Schwartz, 
Oscar Tywerowsky, Petras, Karosses, Max Cohen, Dirba and Wicks. 

The work of organizing locals and branches proceeded at a rapid 


pace. Harry M. Winitsky became the Executive Secretary for 
Greater New York. Communist Party headquarters were estab- 
lished at 207 East Tenth Street. The "Communist World" became 
the official organ of the Party, with Max Cohen as editor, Bertram 
D. Wolfe, associate editor, and George Ashkenouzi, business 
manager. The first issue appeared November 1, 1919. 

Jewish Marxism had come to America, and the Communist 
vehicle for destruction of the United States was launched. 

A A A A A A 

Red terror swept Hungary. Nine-tenths of the Soviet Govern- 
ment of the unfortunate country was Jewish. Aaron Cohen, alias 
Bela Kun, ruled the Christian population with blood-stained hands, 
backed by his Jewish chief executioner, Tibor Szamuelly. The 
world had probably never seen such cruelty. Arpad Cohen con- 
fessed eighteen murders. Otto Korvin Klein, Eugen Hamburger, 
Bela Szanto (Schreiber), Bela Vago (Weiss), Ascherowitz, Itzko- 
witz, Kereks, Goldberger, Lobl, Janosik, Dinnyes, Meszared, Imre 
Dogei, Alex Pap, Joseph Gaspar, Dezso Reiheimer and Isidor Berg- 
feld — all Jews, were Kun's chief henchmen and cut-throats. Berg- 
feld confessed to 155 murders! 

Major Francis Yeats-Brown, who wrote "Lives of a Bengal 
Lancer", is also the author of "European Jungle", in which he re- 
counts European events immediately following World War I. The 
following excerpts indicate the Jewish horror that shook Hungary: 

"Soon a levy of hostages began, among whom were former 
ministers, several Bishops, and many leading business men. 
'There is nothing to be obtained without blood,' said Bela 
Vago, one of the chiefs of the Revolutionary Tribunal. 'With- 
out blood there is no terror, and without terror there is no 
Dictatorship.' Bela Kun was of the same mind: 'We must 
drown the counter-revolution in blood,' he cried. (Page 224.) 

"... the people of Hungary have not forgotten that a young 
Jew, Leo Reiss, spat on the Host when it was being carried 
through the streets of old Buda on the day of Corpus Christi." 
(Page 192.) 

"Joseph Pogany (John Pepper in America) some-time Com- 
missar of Education, was a mountebank of notorious incapacity 
and profligate life, who imagined himself to be the Napoleon 
of the movement, and was generally surrounded by prostitutes. 
He was despised even by his own associates; indeed, nobody 
took him seriously except the victims of his robberies and 
murders." (Page 225.) 

"In Szolnok, Szamuelly hung twenty-four people (including 
Paul Suranyi, the President of the Court of Chancery) without 
even the semblance of a trial." (Page 226.) 

"Count Tisza was shot on October 31st, 1918, by soldiers said 
to belong to the Social Democratic Party of Hungary, under 
the direction of a young Jew, Joseph Pogany, who afterwards 
became a Minister under the Communist regime of Bela Kun." 
(Page 220.) 


In Munich, Germany, the communists established a "Soviet". 
Hostages, held by the members of the "Soviet" Commissars were 
robbed, murdered and their bodies mutilated. Dr. Oscar Cohen 
in Berlin admitted that he had received four million rubles from 
the Soviet Ambassaor, M. Jaffee, for the purpose of fostering 
revolution. Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht and Klara Zetkin 
led the Spartakus League (Communist). Worker's and Soldier's 
Councils (patterned after the Soviets) were organized in many 
German cities immediately after the armistice by direction of 
Radek (Sobelsohn). Three Russian Jews, Levine-Nissen, Levien, 
and Axelrod, constituted the Soviet power in Munich. 

Major Yeats-Brown ("Europeon Jungle"), speaking of England's 
deal with the Jews, quotes Mr. Lloyd George addressing the 
House of Commons, June 19, 1936 (page 196): "It was important 
for us to seek every legitimate help we could get. We came to 
the conclusion, from information we received from every part 
of the world, that it was vital we should have the sympathies of 
the Jewish communities." 

"So what did we do?" Major Yeats-Brown continues (page 196), 
"We sold the Arabs to win favor of the Jews, especially the Jews 
of the United States of America. Mr. Lloyd George justified this 
action by claiming that we had to reward Dr. Chaim Weizmann, 
the Zionist leader, 'who saved the British army at a moment when 
a particular ingredient essential for our guns was exhausted.' But 
were we unable to find anything which was ours to give Dr. Weiz- 


Henry Wickham Steed, one of the most distinguished journal- 
ists of the twentieth century, was foreign correspondent of the 
London Times at Rome (1897-1902), Vienna (1902-1913), foreign 
editor of the Times (1914-1919), and editor (1919-1922). Among 
his many books, he wrote and published "Through Thirty Years" 
in 1924. The following excerpts from his book summarizes the 
Jewish successes of World War I, and indicates the disasters 
that were yet to come: 

"... a flutter was caused by the return from Moscow of 
Messrs. William C. Bullitt and Lincoln Steffens who had been 
sent to Russia towards the middle of February by Colonel 
House and Mr. Lansing . . . Mr. Philip Kerr and, presumably, 
Mr. Lloyd George, knew and approved of this mission . . . 
Potent international financial interests were at work in favour 
of the immediate recognition of the Bolsheviks. Those influ- 
ences had been largely responsible for the Anglo-American 
proposal in January to call Bolshevist representatives to 
Paris at the beginning of the Peace Conference . . . The well- 
known American-Jewish banker, Mr. Jacob Schiff, was known 
to be anxious to secure recognition for the Bolshevists, among 
whom Jewish influence was predominant, and Tchitcherin, the 


Bolshevist Commissar for Foreign Affairs, had revealed the 
meaning of the January proposal by offering extensive com- 
mercial and economic concessions in return for recognition. 
At a moment when the Bolshevists were doing their utmost 
to spread revolution throughout Europe, and when the Allies 
were supposed to be making peace in the name of high moral 
principles, a policy of recognizing them, as the price of com- 
mercial concessions, would have sufficed to wreck the whole 
Peace Conference and Europe with it. At the end of March, 
Hungary was already Bolshevist; Austria, Czechoslovakia, 
Poland, and even Germany, were in danger, and European 
feeling against the blood-stained fanatics of Russia ran ex- 
tremely high. Therefore, when it transpired that an Ameri- 
can official, William C. Bullitt, connected with the Peace Con- 
ference, had returned, after a week's visit to Moscow, with 
an optimistic report upon the state of Russia and with an 
authorized Russian proposal for the virtual recognition of 
the Bolshevist regime by April 10th, dismay was felt every- 
where except by those who had been privy to the sending 
of Mr. Bullitt." (Page 301-302). 

". . . shortly after leaving Colonel House, information reached 
me that Mr. Lloyd George and Persident Wilson would prob- 
ably agree next morning to recognize the Bolshevists in ac- 
cordance with Mr. Bullitt's suggestions. 

"I had hardly sent this article to the printers when an Ameri- 
can friend, Mr. Charles R. Crane, who had been dining with 
President Wilson, called to see me. He showed great alarm 
at the turn things were taking. 'Bullitt is back,' he said, 'and 
the President is already talking Bullitt's language. I fear he 
may ruin everything. Our people at home will certainly not 
stand for the recognition of the Bolshevists at the bidding of 
Wall Street'." (page 303.) 

"Before I was up next day, Colonel House telephoned to say 
that he wished to see me urgently. Apparently, to use an 
Americanism, my article 'had got under the President's hide.' 
When I reached the Crillon, House and Auchincloss looked 
grave. I told them that, had I waited to discuss policy with 
them before writing my article, the chances were that there 
would have been no policy to discuss because the President, 
and, possibly Lloyd George would have committed themselves 
to recognition of the Bolshevists that very morning." (page 

(Mr. Steed's article on the contemplated recognition of the 
Soviet Union by Wilson and Lloyd George had been published in 
the London Daily Mail. Bullitt, whose mother was a Jewess of 
Philadelphia, married the widow of John Reed, the "first American 

"That day Colonel House asked me to call upon him. I 
found him worried both by my criticism of any recognition 
of the Bolshevists and by the certainty, which he had not 
previously realized, that if the President were to recognize the 
Bolshevists in return for commercial concessions his whole 
'idealism' would be hopelessly compromised as commercial- 
ism in disguise ... I insisted that, unknown to him, the 
prime movers were Jacob Schiff, Warburg, and other interna- 
tional financiers, who wished above all to bolster up the 


Jewish Bolshevists in order to secure a field for German and 
Jewish exploitation of Russia. (Page 302.) 

"Yet Jewish influence was more persistent and more efficient. 
Had it been united, and could it have been coherently directed, 
it might well have prevailed; but, in point of fact, Jewish ideal- 
ism served, in part, to counteract the work of Jewish finance 
and of Jewish cosmopolitan agencies. This Jewish idealism 
was of two kinds. Though, in one of its forms, it streng- 
thened for a time the pro-German and pan-German tendencies 
of Jewish finance by bringing Jewish hatred of Imperial 
Russia into line with Jewish attachment for Germanism, its 
support of Germanism slackened when the Russian Empire fell 
.. . Against Russian Christian fanaticism was ranged an intense 
Jewish fanaticism hardly to be paralleled save among the more 
militant sects of Islam. This Jewish fanaticism allied itself 
with the anti-Russian forces before and during the earlier years 
of the war. It abated only when the Russian Revolution of 
March, 1917 and the subsequent advent of Bolshevism, largely 
Jewish in doctrine and in personnel, overthrew the Russian 
Empire and the Russian Orthodox Church. The joy of Jewry 
at these events was not merely the joy of triumph over an 
oppressor but was also gladness at the downfall of hostile reli- 
gious and semi-religious institutions. 

"When international Jewish sentiment had thus ceased to 
be actively pro-German, another form of Jewish idealism came 
more effectively into play. The Zionist, or Jewish National, 
movement which was started by the late Dr. Theodore Herzl 
in the last decade of the 19th Century . . . Towards the end of 
1916, mainly through the instrumentality of the late Sir Mark 
Sykes, then an Under Secretary to the British War Cabinet, 
and of Mr. James A. Malcolm, a prominent British Armenian, 
the Zionist organizations in Europe and in the United States 
began to identify themselves with the Allied cause. Mr. Mal- 
colm rightly urged that the Jews were less pro-German than 
anti-Russian and that their national aspirations were not inim- 
ical to the Allied cause. As a result of discussions with Zionist 
leaders in England, especially Dr. Weizmann, Mr. Sokolow, 
and Dr. Greenberg, communications were established with 
prominent American Zionists who used their influence in 
favour of American participation in the war." (Page 390-391.) 

The beast that had been mortally wounded had survived for 
two thousand years. And his deadly wound was healed. 

A second beast with two horns like a lamb — Marxism and Zion- 
ism — had come up out of the earth, and it spake as a dragon. 
All of the power of the first beast was exercised by the second, 
who caused the earth and them which dwell therein to worship 
the first beast whose deadly wound was healed. 

And the second beast did great wonders. In the sight of men it 
brought down the fire of revolution from heaven on the earth to 
devour all that men had built in the sight of God. Christianity 
was utterly smashed and destroyed in Holy Russia. All the world 
had been immersed in a horrible blood-bath, and Christian had 


set his hand against Christian so that Christianity might be 
weakened and destroyed everywhere. And the two-horned beast 
deceived them that dwell on the earth by means of those miracles 
which it had the power to do in the sight of the first beast. Through 
its great power of deception, it seduced the United States to 
sacrifice its young men, its wealth and its honor so that the first 
beast might establish its authority in Zion. 

The two-horned beast, growing bolder in the exercise of its 
miraculous power, spoke, commanding them that dwell on the 
earth to make an image to the beast, which had the wound by a 
sword, and did live. And men everywhere hastened to do its will, 
feverishly rebuilding the earth in the likeness of the seven-headed 
beast that had raised up out of the sea. Upon the heads of the 
image was the name of blasphemy, and those who made the likeness 
worshiped the image and the name in shameless abandon. The 
two-horned beast had the power to give life unto the image of 
the beast, so that it was enabled to both speak and cause that 
as many as would not worship its likeness to be killed. And its 
power swept over the world like a tidal wave. 

The war that was to "make the world safe for democracy" 
made the world safe only for Marxism and Zionism! 



r\N JUNE 10, 1917 American Jewry cast 350,000 ballots for dele- 
\J gates to the first American Jewish Congress. Thirty organ- 
izations were to be represented. After a number of postponements 
the Congress opened in Philadelphia December 15, 1918. War in 
Europe had taken a recess on November 11, 1918. 

Among the delegates representing the "Jewish people" were 
Louis Marshall, Henry Morgenthau, Sr., Henry Monsky, Nathan 
Strauss, Yehoash, Jacob H. Schiff, Oscar S. Straus, Judge Mayer 
Sulzberger, Abraham S. Schomer, Henrietta Szold, Dr. B. Revel, 
Dr. Chaim Zhitlowsky, Dr. H. Pereira Mendes, Joseph Barondess, 
Rev. H. Masliansky, Gotthard Deutsch, Rabbi M. S. Margolies, 
Abraham I. Elkus, Judge Julian W. Mack, Dr. Israel Friedlander, 
Isaac Hourwich, Jacob de Hass, Felix Frankfurter, David Pinsky, 
Baruch Zuckerman, Dr. Samuel Margoshes, Louis Lipsky and 
Emanuel Neuman. 

The Congress — speaking for American Jewry only — demanded 
that the forthcoming Peace Conference establish "equal, civil, 
political, religious, and national rights for all citizens of a territory 
without distinction as to race, nationality, or creed; autonomous 
management of their own communial institutions, whether they be 
religious, educational, charitable, or otherwise, by members of the 
various national as well as religious bodies; recognition of the 
historic claims of the Jewish people with regard to Palestine, 
and establishment of such political, administrative, and economic 
conditions in that country as would assure its development into 
a Jewish Commonwealth." 

Possibly no other event in the world's history presents so many 
amazing paradoxical absurdities as does this incredible Congress 
of American Jews. Having won full citizenship rights in the 
United States they now boldly proclaimed that they are a single, 
separate nation. With tongue in cheek and crosssd fingers they 
had accepted American naturalization, swearing to uphold the 
Constitution, and abandoning any and all allegiance to any foreign 
Potentate or sovereign. Meeting in Convention they brazenly 
demanded a special status for themselves and their ethnic brethren 
in all the nations of the world! In particular they demanded recog- 
nition of their "historical" claim to the land of another people, 
and called upon the world powers to assist them in their proposed 
conquest of that land. Always an imperium in imperio, Jewry now 
arose to heights of impudence never heretofore dared — an infin- 
itesimal minority assuming to be a law unto itself — a govern- 



ment within a government demanding to be the government itself. 

The Khazars of Russia had finally conquered the Americanized 
Jews of the United States. The revolutionaries from the cellars 
of Minsk now sat in the palaces of the Czars, and ruled from the 
high places of a world Sanhedrin. 

Louis Marshall presented a "Jewish Bill of Rights." The Congress 
went on record in support of the World Zionist Organization in 
its campaign to implement the Balfour Declaration. The officers 
of the Congress were instructed to take the necessary steps in co- 
operation with Jewish bodies in other countries to convene a 
World Jewish Congress. 

Julian W. Mack, Louis Marshall, Stephen S. Wise, Harry Cutler, 
B. L. Levinthal, Jacob de Haas, Joseph Barondess, Leopold Bene- 
dict (Morris Winchevsky), Bernard G. Richards and Dr. Nachman 
Syrkin were selected to represent the Congress at the Peace Con- 
ference. They were instructed "to cooperate with representatives 
of the Jews of other lands." 

Nathan Strauss declared with deep satisfaction that the Congress 
had at last achieved "unity of mind and purpose as we always 
had at heart." 


American Jewry had openly declared that it was a single and 
separate and distinct nation — "one people!" In effect, it announced 
that its "citizenship" in the United States was merely a device 
to be used as a weapon for defense and offense, and cast aside 
when it had served its purpose. It was not a question of dual 
loyalty. There was no conflict in the heart of American Jewry 
between loyalty to the United States and the Jewish Nation. The 
conflict was between appearance and reality; the question was how 
best use the advantages of American citizenship until it might be 
openly discarded. Brandeis had counseled an open and frank 
announcement of Jewish purposes, and certainly this technique 
more effectively concealed the importance of these purposes. 
Visible on every hand, few paused to investigate. While Jewish 
orientation toward Moscow and chauvinistic devotion to Palestine 
went hand in hand there were comparatively few who dared call 
attention to the fact. Jewish names would dominate all others 
when subversive lists were compiled but few would point it out 
for fear of being called "anti-Semitic". Thus, without opposition, 
the American Jewish Congress marched forth for the conquest of 
the world! 


"The League of Nations is a Jewish idea," declared Nahum Soko- 
low at the Carlsbad Congress. "We created it after a fight of 
twenty-five years." 

The League to Enforce Peace was ultimately supplanted by other 
organizations of a more definitely left-wing, socialist and collective 


view-point. The leading Jewish organizations throughout the world 
were already on record lor an international federation. The League 
of Free Nations Associations, although further to the left than 
the League to Enforce Peace, worked for the same purpose, and 
was one of the first to endorse the League of Nations Covenant. 
During the Peace Conference Jacob Schiff represented the League 
of Free Nations Associations, and as its spokesman sent instruc- 
tions to President Wilson on May 28, 1919. Schiffs group became 
the New York Foreign Policy Association after the war. 

Ultimate world government is also the objective of Socialism. 
The Fabian Society of England worked vigorously for the League 
of Nations Covenant, and cooperated closely with the League of 
Nations Society in propagandizing for a world organization. 

A League of Nations Society was established in France. In 
May, 1915 the English League of Nations Society was organized. 
It was the result of a series of meetings instigated by the Fabians. 
W. H. Dickinson, M. P., was the first chairman. He had been 
prominently identified with the World Alliance for International 
Friendship Through the Churches. 

In March 1916 Theodore Marburg, who founded the League 
to Enforce Peace in the United States June 17, 1915, addressed 
the League of Nations Society and declared "that the objects 
of the League to Enforce Peace and the League of Nations So- 
ciety were almost the same." 

By November, 1916, the League of Nations Society claimed 300 
members. In July of 1917, Lord Parmoor was a vice-president 
of the Society. Noll Buxton, M. P., G. Lawes Dickinson, and L. S. 
Woolf were members of the Executive Committee. 

In July, 1918, a letter of invitation to join a League of Free 
Nations Associations was circulated, signed by Gilbert Murray and 
H. G. Wells. In November the League of Free Nations Society 
merged into the League of Nations Union. H. N. Brailsford, a 
member of the General Council of the Union, wrote a preface to 
Trotsky's "The Defense of Terrorism." 

"The Outline of History" by H. G. Wells — "written with the 
advice and editorial help of Mr. Ernest Barker . . . and Professor 
Gilbert Murray" — made its first appearance in semi-monthly parts. 
In addition to its plain orientation toward atheism, socialism and 
internationalism, it attempts to make a rational and plausible 
argument for a super-world government. Douglas Reed des- 
cribes Wells as "a disbeliever and sedentary pamphleteer in whose 
mind inconsequent ideas scurried about from first reaction to second 
thought and later after thought like a riotous mob that surges 
forward to destroy, reels backward at the word 'police', and then 
scatters and scuttles through the by-ways, throwing a random 
stone from aimless rage." Although he was ultimately to declare 


that he saw "the world as a jaded world devoid of recuperative 
power," Wells envisioned the "world state" as an inevitable his- 
torical development. "It will be based," he declared, "upon a 
common world religion, very much simplified and universalized and 
better understood. This will not be Christianity nor Islam nor 
Buddhism nor any such specialized form of religion ..." He did 
not say that it would not be Judaism. 

Whatever else may be said of Wells' contribution to the "world 
super-state" idea, his "Outline of History" became an important 
wheel in the propaganda machine designed to destroy patriotism 
in Great Britain and the United States. 

The League of Nations Union was supported in 1920 by donations. 
Most of these contributions came from Jewish sources. The Zionist 
Organization gave £210; Barons E. B. d'Erlanger, F. A. d'Erlanger 
and N. M. Rothschild donated £3,000 each. Major David Davies, 
M. P., made the largest contribution — £14,737. Other donors were 
the Government of the Peruvian Republic, £1,000; F. Eckstein, 
£500; Sir M. Samuel, £210; and Sir Carl Meyer, £210. 

Thus the Jewish socialists, financiers and Zionists, together with 
their stooges and innocents, promoted the League of Nations and 
laid the foundation for world government. One World War was 
incapable of accomplishing the ultimate objective, and World War 
II may fall a little short of the mark. World War III, it is be- 
lieved, will finish the job and usher in the Neo-Messianic Age. 

President Wilson, surrounded by the Jewish financial fraternity, 
pushed hither and yon by the sinister Colonel House, and coun- 
selled by the Zionist Brandeis, imagined himself the great "peace- 
maker" of all history. He was an historian who proved that he 
knew nothing of history. In the hands of the Jews, who used 
him for their own particular purposes, he plunged his country 
into a disastrous war, and started a chain of events that may 
ultimately destroy the great American Dream. Flattered and 
eulogized by those who bent him to their will, he fancied himself 
playing God, remaking the world and its people in his own image. 
Sworn, in his high office, to protect and advance the interests of 
the American people, he suddenly believed he had been given a 
mandate to save the world. He called for a "peace without vic- 
tory", and declared that he was plunging the United States into 
a "war to end war", and to "make the world safe for democracy." 
History has been busy ever since underscoring the asininity of 
this double-talk. Peace and victory came November 11, 1918, and 
Wilson rushed to Paris where he lost both. 

We have seen that Marxism not only emphasizes the necessity 
for the destruction of Christianity, but also calls for the abolition 


of nationalism. Religion and patriotism — 'for God and Country' — 
have always been the outer ramparts of Christian civilization. If 
Jewish Marxism is to conquer, then these outer defenses must first 
be destroyed. In order to demolish these citadels of strength, the 
Marxist must attack the defenders — the Christian men and women 
who bar the way. Religion and patriotism are logically and 
naturally an extension of the inborn instincts of the integrated 
family unit — a tacit expression of the family units that make up 
a nation. Hence Marxism strikes at the family unit, and seeks 
to utterly destroy it. Men and women are to be considered 
workers — part of the collectivity. Marriage is abolished as a reli- 
gious institution, and breeding becomes a collective affair. The 
children of temporary unions and incidents of impulse become the 
property of the Socialist State. The "family unit" ceases to exist. 
But Marxism does not stop, even here. The God-given dignity of 
man — his initiative, his inidividuality — all these characteristics 
must be destroyed, so that he is reduced to the common denomin- 
ator of mediocrity that is the collectivity. 

Propagandists of the Socialist persuasion attack the accepted 
connotations of "home", "mother", "heaven", "the flag' ", "father- 
land", "patriotism", and similar terms, with effective subtleness. 
These cherished and respected terms together with the sacred 
things they picture, are made to appear ridiculous and "reaction- 
ary" — obsolete remnants of tribalism perpetuated by sinister men 
for sinister purposes. War-makers must have "cannon fodder" 
say these propagandists, and you cannot make war without patriots. 
By an "elaborate inculcation" of the concepts of "mother", 
"home", "fatherland", etc., into the minds of the people, "patriots" 
are "manufactured." Destroy the pictures conjured by these terms 
and patriotism is destroyed! This is best done through "educa- 
tion." Once the child understands that the "reverence" attached 
to these obsolete "catch-phrases" of bourgeois society is "pro- 
vincial" and "reactionary", patriotism is on the wane. "Home" 
is where the worker "hangs his hat"; "heaven" is a bit of opium 
for the exploited "sucker", making him docile in the physical 
world with promise of plenty in the "hereafter". The "flag" is 
just a rag, and "fatherland" is an illusion. The "progressive" 
knows but one flag — the red symbol of revolution that distinguishes 
him on the barricades, and his "fatherland" is the whole world. 
"Mother" is just the name of a female who became pregnant. 
"Patriotism" is a hypnotic delusion that compels men to sacri- 
fice their lives in battle so that the capitalists may continue to 
exploit and enslave the masses. 

"In "scientific" language the propagandists define nationalism 
as a form of overdeveloped "ethnocentrism" — regarding one's own 
race as the chief interest and center of culture; a combining form 


that gives the subject a bad odor. By this approach the "malady" 
is removed from the realm of the simple and knowable to the 
dissecting room of the pseudo-scientific and conjectural. The con- 
clusions of "science" are not easily rebutted unless its language 
is understood. The student is rarely in a position to argue with 
the instructor who postulates with the authority of an infallible 

The critics of patriotism are in full agreement that nationalism 
only menaces Jews and Socialists. This remarkable fact is care- 
fully concealed by the Jews and Socialists. Only the Jews and 
the Socialists seek world domination, and nationalism is the one 
last barrier that must be broken down if they are to achieve their 
ambition. To organized Jewry, Gentile patriotism means national- 
ism; nationalism means "fascism", and fascism means "anti- 
Semitism". This concept, of course, has no reference to Jewish 
Nationalism, which was ordained by Jehovah and is the mission 
of Israel! 

President Wilson's "self-determination" and "political indepen- 
dence" planks in his platform for world government proved em- 
barrassing to the Jewish propagandists. Yet they dared not 
openly attack them lest they endanger the Wilson prestige in the 
drive for world power. If nations reserve the right of self-deter- 
mination and political independence and such rights are pro- 
tected by the combined power of all nations, then, of course, dom- 
ination by a single nation becomes impossible. As a result, propa- 
gandists have quietly played down the "self-determination" and 
"political independence" principles as additional "ethnocentrism" 

Irrendentism may be said to be another road-block to the Jewish 

ideological conquest of the world. The rarely used term refers 

to the principles, policy, or practice of a party, or of persons, who 

seek to reincorprate within their national boundaries territory of 

which their nation has been deprived. Irrendentism is therefore 

considered another form of extreme nationalism. Like all other 

forms of nationalism irrendentism is conveniently considered a 

world peace-disturbing nuisance, except, of course, in the case of 

the Soviet Union or Jewish nationalism. 

Homogeneity — of the same kind; similar — is another symptom 
of paranoia of the nationalistic mind, according to the Jewish 
proponent of "one worldism". The demand for homogeneity is 
always depicted as evidence of persecution of "minorities" because 
of race or religion. Factors of allegiance, assimilation and na- 
tional security are brushed aside by the propagandist — except as 
they are manifestations of his own philosophy. The antagonistic, 


subversive activities of foreign-born anarchists, communists and 
Zionists, all working against the country of their adoption and 
refuge, are, to be sure, the elements to be protected! In countries, 
such as Great Britain and the United States, where the discordant 
and unassimilable elements have found freedom and hospitality, 
the cry against homogeneity has been the loudest. It is not enough 
that these revolutionaries found haven and freedom; they must, 
by necessity of their inborn discontent, continue to create the agi- 
tations that caused them to flee from their native lands. They must 
destroy the homogeneous instincts of their hosts so that their own 
minority homogeneity may dominate. 

The United States has, in truth, been the melting-pot of the 
world. It has successfully absorbed the immigrants of the na- 
tions of Europe. The homogeneity that was emerging was not so 
much a homogeneity of language, race, religion and culture as 
it was of a new and unique concept of freedom. The United States 
generously opened its arms to those who desired to come, and most 
of those who came were people of good will who gratefully merged 
into the American pattern. Only the hordes of Khazar Jews, with 
their twin philosophies of Marxism and Zionism, came with tongue 
in cheek and refused to assimilate. On the one hand they have 
insisted on remaining a separate people; a fragmatized "nation" in 
dispersion, and on the other they have sought to refashion the 
religion, the traditions and customs of the land of their "exile". 
They predominate among the revolutionary and subversive forces 
at work in the country, and their names always over-balance any 
list of un-Americans. They seek, through every medium of propa- 
ganda, the universal acceptance of their own peculiar heterogeneity 
so that their refusal to assimulate may pass as something special 

in the resulting dissonance. 


We have observed that the Jews sent representatives to the 
Congress of Vienna, where they sought to influence the official 
delegates through bribes and presents. The elder Rothschild, it 
will be recalled, was fearful that the special Jewish privileges he 
had brought from Karl von Dalberg, prince primate of the Con- 
federation of the Rhine, might be lost unless incorporated in the 
new constitutions that the Congress was expected to draft. Jacob 
Baruch (father of Ludwig Boerne), G. G. Uffenheim and J. J. 
Gumprecht, Rothschild's emissaries, would have been run out of 
town by the Viennese police had not Metternich intervened. The 
Jewish representatives, of course, had no official position in the 
Congress. The most important Jewish influence on the members 
of the Congress came from the Jewesses who opened their salons 
in lavish entertainment to the leading statesmen and rulers who 
were attending the sessions of the Congress. The most prominent 


of these Jewesses were Baroness Fanny von Arnstein, Madam von 
Eskeles, Rahel Levin von Varnhagen, Madam Leopold Herz, and 
Dorothea Mendelssohn von Schlegel. 

The best the Jews were able to accomplish at the Congress of 
Vienna was a number of draft proposals that invariably offered 
full rights of citizenship to those Jews who "assume performance 
of all the duties of citizens." This clause, of course, did not meet 
with the peculiar demands and requirements of the Jewish "nation" 
which actually desired all rights of citizenship without the usual 

The Conference of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818 was also confronted 
with uninvited Jewish representatives. Lewis Way, an English 
clergyman, acted as the Jewish mouth-piece, and introduced a peti- 
tion to the Conference advocating Jewish emancipation in Europe. 

Jewish influence in the 1856 Congress of Paris and the 1858 
Conference of Paris is evident in the work of both meetings. It 
does not appear that Jewry was permitted official representation 
at either of these two conferences. When the Congress of Berlin 
also discussed the Jewish problem, the Jewish "nation" was not 
recognized as a participant. 

American Jewry influenced the United States to present Jewry's 
demand for "full and equal rights" to the Bucharest Peace Con- 
ference of 1913, although the United States was not officially rep- 
resented at the Conference. On October 13, 1913 the London Board 
of Deputies of British Jews and the Anglo-Jewish Association 
addressed a joint memorial to Sir Edward Grey, urging that new 
affirmative guarantees for the Jews be secured, pointing out that 
Roumania had repeatedly ignored and repudiated similar assur- 
ances. Elihu Root, United States Secretary of State, had issued 
strong instructions, at the direction of President Theodore Roose- 
velt, to Ambassador White, representative of the United States 
at the Algeciras Conference of 1906, directing him to urge upon 
the conference "the consideration of guarantees of religious and 

racial tolerance in Morrocco. 


The dawn of 1919 found Paris literally flooded with Jews from 
all over the world. From Palestine, Russia, Canada, the United 
States, the Ukraine, Poland, Roumania, Galacia, Transylvania, 
Bukovina, Italy, Czechoslovakia, England, Yugoslavia, Greece; 
from West, South, East and North — orthodox Jews, Socialist Jews, 
rich and poor Jews, financiers and revolutionaries — they poured 
into the French capitol. Whatever their status in the lands that 
harbored them, they remained merely the sons of the Covenant; 
one people; one nation! Each felt that he was playing a historic 
role in the destiny of Israel. Not one of them was concerned with 
"making the world safe for democracy." They shared a single 


thought and purpose — the capture of Palestine and a world gov- 
ernment to make the world over for Jewish domination. 

They went to work. The Comite des Delegations Juives aupres 
de la Conference de la Paix (Committee of Jewish Delegations 
at the Peace Conference) was fully organized by March 25th. In 
addition to the delegates from the various countries, representa- 
tives of the World Zionist Organization and the B'nai B'rith were 
included in the Committee's membership. It purported to speak 
for ten million Jews. 

Woodrow Wilson, George Clemenceau and the other influential 
figures at Versailles were putty in the hands of these international 
Jews. Although the idea of a world super-state had long been a 
Jewish dream, Wilson's conceit in believing it was his own par- 
ticular creation was pandered and puffed on all sides by the 
Jewish delegation and their controlled world press. "The principles 
of national self-determination and homogeniety were not permitted 
to be carried to extremes," writes one Jewish historian with satis- 
faction. The finesse of the Jewish delegates is clearly discernible 
in the finished product of Versailles. The ground- work for the 
destruction of state sovereignty throughout Christendom was well 
laid by the masterminds behind the Comite des Delegations Juives. 
"Absolute state sovereignty was restricted." As the basis for a 
second World War "the new and enlarged states" were compelled 
"to assume an obligation to embody in a treaty with the principal 
Allied and Associated Powers such provisions as might be deemed 
necessary by the said Powers to protect the inhabitants who 
differed from the majority of the population in race, language, 
or religion." The crowning Jewish triumph was the provision that 
brought "domestic group rights" under the international guarantee 
and jurisdiction of the League of Nations. 

The work of World Jewry at the Peace Conference is no where 
better indicated than in the provisions imposed on Poland by the 
Versailles Treaty. A ruthless conqueror could not have been more 
severe. The Polish representatives signed the Minority Treaty 
June 28, 1919, thereby committing Poland to divided sovereignty 
and a "superior" and privileged class of citizenry. The Treaty, 
pursuant to successful Jewish pressure, was guaranteed by the 
League of Nations. Among other things "minorities" were to be 
admitted to Polish nationality and citizenship "in the fullest 
sense"; guaranteed the right to use their own language; to 
maintain their own institutions; to receive primary instruction 
in their own language and, where the minority population was 
considerable, to receive "an equitable share in the enjoyment and 
application of public funds." "Racial, religious or linguistic 
minorities" is the official Versailles verbiage, but it means what 
the Comite des Delegations Juives intended it to mean — Jews. 


Poland, by the provisions of the Treaty, was prohibited from 
holding elections on Saturdays. The Jewish Sabbath was estab- 
lished by law. "Jews shall not be compelled to perform any 
act which constitutes a violation of their Sabbath, nor shall they 
be placed under any disability by reason of their refusal to attend 
courts of law or to perform any legal business on their Sabbath 
. . . Poland declares her intention to refrain from ordering or 
permitting elections, whether general or local, to be held on a 
Saturday, nor will registration for electoral or other purposes be 
compelled to be performed on a Saturday . . . Education commu- 
nities of Poland will, subject to the general control of the state, 
provide for the distribution of the proportional share of the public 
funds allocated to Jewish schools in accordance with Article 9." 

Lloyd George, British Prime Minister, attempting to meet the 
harsh demands of Georges Clemenceau, proved himself — on paper, 
at least — a greater statesman than either the vindictive Clem- 
enceau or the starry-eyed Wilson. Writing at Fontainbleau over 
a quiet week-end in March of 1919, he said: 

"When nations are exhausted by wars in which they have 
put forth all their strength and which leave them tired, bleed- 
ing and broken, it is not difficult to patch up a peace that may 
last until the generation which experienced the horrors of 
the war has passed away ... It is therefore compartively 
easy to patch up a peace which will last for thirty years. 
What is difficult, however, is to draw up a peace which will 
not provoke a fresh struggle when those who have had prac- 
tical experience of what war means have passed away . . . 
You may strip Germany of her colonies, reduce her arma- 
ments to a mere police force and her navy to that of a 
fifth-rate power; all the same in the end if she feels that she 
has been unjustly treated in the peace of 1919 she will find 
means of exacting retribution from her conquerors. The im- 
pression, the deep impression, made upon the human heart 
by four years of unexampled slaughter will disappear with 
the hearts upon which it has been marked by the terrible 
sword of the great war. The maintenance of peace will then 
depend upon there being no causes of exasperation constantly 
stirring up the spirit of patriotism, of justice or of fair 
play ..." 

The purpose of the leaders of the Comite de Delegations Juives 
was to insure heterogenity within nation populations. By imposing 
the "minority" treaties on the new states carved out of the ruins 
of Europe, world Jewry would be in a dominating position. The 
success of the maneuver depended, of course, upon the proposed 
World Government — the League of Nations. Only the threat of 
the combined power of world police might enforce the Jewish 
invasion of sovereignty embodied in the "minority" treaties, and 
such military power was unthinkable unless authorized and main- 


tained by a world parliament. Hence the establishment of the 
League of Nations was of the greatest importance to the Jewish 

Czechoslovakia followed Poland. Her representatives signed 
the "minorities" treaty on September 10, 1919; Jugoslavia (Sep- 
tember 10th); Roumania (December 9th) and Greece (August 10, 
1920). The Treaty of St. Germain (Austria) September 10, 1919; 
the Treaty of Neuilly (Bulgaria) November 7, 1919, and the 
Treaty of Lausanne (Turkey) July 24, 1923, contained the minor- 
ities provisions. Albania and the Baltic States were ultimately 
forced into line. Fifteen nations in all were compelled to swallow 
the indigestible and unassimilable elements within their popula- 
tions, thus assuring a regurgitation that no international power 
might hope to control. 

The "minority" treaties were placed under the League of Nations 
as matters of "international concern." The Permanent Court of 
International Justice was given jurisdiction over disputes arising 
out of alleged violations or infractions of the provisions of the 

a a a a * * 

When President Wilson arrived in Paris in January of 1919, he 

immediately declared that the League of Nations "is the central 

object of our meeting." In spite of the protests of Lloyd George 

and Clemenceau, he insisted that the first order of business before 

the Peace Conference was the League proposal. Political and 

territorial matters could wait. He won his point — with the help 

of the Jewish delegations. His Commission of nineteen presented 

the draft proposal to the Conference on February 14th On April 

28th, after some revisions and amendments, the Covenant was 

unanimously adopted by the Conference. The League of Nations 

was given official status on January 10, 1920. 

The Covenant of the League of Nations called for the promotion 
of "international cooperation" in world health, labor, transporta- 
tion, communications, finances, etc. — functions that were to become 
integral parts of United Nations' philosophy. Although the Cove- 
nant failed to authorize their creation, the Council of the League 
established commissions to deal with these projects. The Economic 
and Financial Organization, International Office of Public Health 
(established at Paris), Organization for Communications and Tran- 
sit, and the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation, 
were among the permanent bodies created. The International 
Committee on Intellectual Cooperation (established in Paris in 
1924) coordinated the work of such sub-groups as the International 
Research Council, the Institute of International Law, the Interna- 
tional Academic Union, etc. The International Cinematographic 


Institute, together with innumerable committees of one kind or 

another, ultimately became known as the International Cooperation 


The International Labor Organization was authorized by Article 

23 of the Covenant. Its primary purpose was the promotion of 

uniform labor legislation throughout the world. Its efforts, as 

might have been expected, were futile. The United States became 

a member by Presidential proclamation August 20, 1934. Isador 

Lubin was the first United States representative. It survived the 

League fiasco to become an agency of the United Nations. 

Although the Bank for International Settlements was not 
strictly a League of Nations organization, its role in the develop- 
ment of internationalism is important. It was created in 1930 
to act as trustee and agent for the creditor governments in the 
collection and allocation of indemnity payments. Its stock of one 
hundred million dollars was underwritten by banks in Great 
Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Japan, Belgium and the United 


By the end of 1938 the collapse of the League of Nations was 

almost complete. Of the sixty-two nations that had constituted 

its membership only forty-nine remained. At the close of 1940 

it had ceased to exist. It had gone the way of its predecessors — 

the Holy Alliance, the Concert of Europe and the Permanent 

Court of Arbitration. It had failed because the United States had 

refused to participate, and because humanity had not yet been 

reduced to its common denominator of mediocrity. "Mother," 

"home," "the flag," "heaven" and "God and Country" were still 

too deeply rooted in the minds and hearts of the people. Another 

war, and perhaps yet another, would be necessary before such 

"reactionary, bourgeois" concepts were blasted from the breasts 

of human beings. 


In December of 1920 the British Government submitted to the 
League of Nations its proposed terms for the Palestine mandate. 
A modified version was approved by the Council at its meting 
in London on July 24, 1922. 

The British Government previously had issued a statement 
interpreting the Balfour Declaration as meaning: "not the imposi- 
tion of a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of Palestine as 
a whole, but the further development of the existing Jewish 
community, in order that it may become a centre in which the 
Jewish people, as a whole, may take, on grounds of religion and 
race, an interest and pride." 

The Mandate became effective on September 23, 1923. The 
Balfour Declaration is recited in the preamble of the Mandate 


Commission. Various articles deal with the problems of immigra- 

Article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant declares: "Where 
populations are not yet able to stand alone" the machinery of 
government should be set up for them in keeping with the 
accepted beliefs that "the well being and development of such 
peoples forms a sacred trust of civilization." Thus were the 
Wilsonian doctrines of "self-determination" and "political inde- 
pendence" restricted. Further, the men who played God in the 
League of Nations were given authority to determine when pop- 
ulations were able to "stand alone." 

Aside from the political maneuverings and the immorality of 
the "British Mandate over Palestine," the action of the United 
Nations in awarding Palestine to the Jews in 1948, does violence 
to the "sacred trust of civilization" doctrine hypocritically set 
forth in Article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant. World 
Jewry, long since, had effectually cancelled out Wilson's claim to 
fair play in his insistence on the right of "self-determination" — 
world Jewry finally succeeded in obliterating the last semblance 
of the "sacred trust of civilization" from the minds of the accom- 
odating men of the United Nations. Morality had followed God 
in his banishment from world affairs. 

The Arabs were represented at the Peace Conference by Emir 
Feisal, son of Hussein, Shereef of Mecca. He had commanded 
the Arab troops as an ally of England under the agreement of 
the McMahon- Hussein Treaty, believing that Britain would keep 
its word and give the Arab Nations — including Palestine — their 
independence. Feisal did not quite understand all the Jewish 
intrigue that was going on about him, and, because of his imperfect 
knowledge of English and French, found himself at great dis- 
advantage. The issue became so confused that Wilson finally 
dispatched an American Commission to Palestine to investigate. 

The Crane-King Commission's report to Wilson favored the Arabs 
in every respect. Over nine-tenths of the Palestine population op- 
posed Jewish immigration into the country. "To subject a people 
so minded," the Commission reported, "to unlimited immigration, 
and to steady financial and social pressure to surrender the land, 
would be in gross violation of the principle just quoted, and of the 
people's rights, although it kept within the forms of law . . . With 
the best possible intentions, it may be doubted whether the Jews 
could possibly seem to either Christians or Moslems proper guar- 
dians of the Holy Places, or custodians of the Holy Land as a 

It is rather interesting to note that the Crane-King Report, like 
so many other documents unfavorable to the Jews, "disappeared" 


from the President's files. Fortunately, however, the report was 
published in "Editor and Publisher." 

The British authorities unquestionably were more concerned with 
the Jewish bankers of international Jewry than they were with the 
Arab nations. The McMahon- Hussein Treaty was ignored and the 
Balfour Declaration became the basis of the British Mandate over 
Palestine. Hence Great Britain and world Jewry may be directly 
responsible for World War III. 

When Justice Brandeis heard that the British officials adminis- 
tering the "Mandate" were not favoring the Jews, he immediately 
set out for Palestine accompanied by his friend and biographer, 
Dr. Jacob de Haas. Upon their arrival in the Holy Land they 
found the reports to be only too true. Dr. de Haas writes that the 
British Commander-in-Chief and military and civil aides regarded 
the Balfour Declaration as a forgotten episode of the war. So 
our "American" Supreme Court Justice went straight to Balfour. 
Reports de Haas: "A few hours later the British Foreign Office 
was reminding the military authorities in Egypt and Palestine not 
only of the verbal contents of the Balfour Declaration, but that 
the matter was a 'chose jugee.' A number of Palestinian officials 
sought desirable 'exchanges' and Colonel Meinertzhagen, a pro- 
nounced pro-Zionist, was dispatched to Palestine. There had been 
no protest meetings, no stirring of troubled political waters. "The 
Brandeisan direct action diplomacy had achieved results." 

A civil administration was established in Palestine in July, 1920. 
The World Zionist Organisation launched a campaign to purchase 
land, and started the flow of Jewish immigrants into the country. 
Around 280,000 Jews came into Palestine between 1918 and 1936 — 
61,854 entering in 1935. By the end of 1936 the Jewish population 
in the country was estimated at 400,000. 

The World Zionist Organisation was nearly bankrupt. Money 
was needed to buy more land, to exploit the country's resources, 
and to infiltrate more Jews among the Arabs. Chaim Weizmann 
entered into negotiations with American Jewry through Louis 
Marshall. As a result the Jewish Agency for Palestine was en- 
larged and revitalized. "We feel," declared Weizmann, "that it 
is time that we displayed renewed devotion in bringing Zionism 
before the Jewish world as a question calling for a moral decision. 
. . . What we aim at is to win over the youth to decide in favor of 
acknowledging its national responsibilities." 

In 1914 the Jews were in possession of 177 square miles of Pales- 
tine. By 1936 they held 545 square miles. Between 1919 and 1933 
they had established over four thousand industries. Nevertheless 
they were still a small minority among the Arab population. (Pal- 


estine is about the area of the State of Vermont — 10,000 square 

The resentment of the Arabs flared into violence in 1929. Jewish- 
Arab controversy over the Jewish and Mohammedan rights to the 
Wailing Wall of Herodian Temple developed into open conflict, the 
Christian Arabs joining with the Mohammedans against the Jews. 
A British Commission reported that the disturbances were caused 
by Arab fears of a rising Jewish majority, and the systematic 
acquisition of their land by the invaders. The Commission recom- 
mended that restrictions be placed on immigration and the pur- 
chase of land. In spite of the cries of the Zionists, the recom- 
mendations were accepted. The British Government published 
its findings in what is known as the White Book, October 20, 1930. 

A new Arab outbreak came in April of 1936. The Palestine 
Arabs arose in open rebellion against the Jews and Great Britain, 
supported this time by all Arab countries, including Egypt. Loss 
of life was great. Another British Commission under the chair- 
manship of Earl Peel was dispatched to Palestine in November. 
The report again stated that the Arabs feared the domination of 
the Jews, and that their demand for self-government was being 
frustrated by world Zionism. The Peel Commission, finding the 
aspirations of the Jews and of the Arabs "mutually exclusive 
and irreconcilable", recommended the partition of Palestine be- 
tween them. The Zionist Congress, meeting in Zurich in 1937, 
reluctantly accepted this proposal but the Arabs resolutely opposed 

The violence that broke out in 1937 was met by the British with 
strong measures. The leading Arab Committee was outlawed and 
its members imprisoned. The Mufti of Jerusalem fled abroad. 
Military courts were established and full scale military operations 
for control of the country were put into effect. The revolt, in spite 
of all these stern measures, continued with growing intensity. In 
1938 the Jews resorted to terrorism. By fall, although suffering 
appalling casualties, the heroic Arabs were still in control of most 
of their country. They held Bethlehem, Hebron and Ramallah. All 
normal traffic throughout Palestine was at a standstill. 

In November of 1938 the British government announced that it 
would drop the partition proposal and attempt to promote an 
understanding between the Arabs and the Zionists by direct nego- 
tiations in London. The Arabs took the understandable position 
that their country was being stolen from them, and that the nego- 
tiations were in the category of bargaining with a thief for the 
return of some portion of your own property. When the Arabs 
and the Jews were unable to reach an agreement the British an- 
nounced that it would have to find a solution of its own. In its 
White Paper of May 17, 1939, it rejected its former interpretations 
of the Balfour Declaration as contrary to British obligations to 


the Arabs and suggested an independent Palestine which would 
safeguard the essential interests of Arabs and Jews alike. A 
Jewish immigration of 75,000 was to be allowed over a period of 
five years with further Jewish immigration dependent upon Arab 
agreement. Regulations for the sale of land to the Jews were also 
to be established. 

Both the Jews and the Arabs rejected the proposals of the White 
Paper. The Jews answered with a general strike and further acts 
of terrorism. Jewish immigration continued illegally, as world 
Jewry rushed to reinforce the invaders. 

■k -k -k -k -k -k 

The statesmen of Britain undoubtedly realized the unfairness of 
the Balfour Declaration to the Arabs after it was too late to do 
much about it. The so-called MacDonald "White Paper" of 1939 
was an apparently sincere desire to correct the wrong of 1917. The 
"White Paper," in attempting to rationalize Balfour's policy, in- 
sisted that the "Jewish home" in Palestine had already existed. 
So that there would be no doubt as to Britain's future stand, the 
White Paper declared: 

"His Majesty's Government therefore no declares unequiv- 
ocally that it is not part of their policy that Palestine should 
become a Jewish State. They would indeed regard it as con- 
trary to their obligations to the Arabs under the Mandate, 
as well as to the assurances which have been given to the 
Arab people in the past, that the Arab populations of Palestine 
should be made the subject of a Jewish State against their 

The wrath of the Jews knew no bounds. The new British policy 
on the subject meant the defeat of their carefully laid plans, and 
they had no intention of permitting the controversy to end with 
the White Paper. They unleashed a world-wide campaign of 
abuse against the British government supplemented by propa- 
ganda material thoroughly distorting the facts. 

Concluding at last that Great Britain as the Mandatory would 
never permit them to set up the "Jewish State" in Palestine, the 
Jews embarked on a campaign of violence to drive the British 
to either repudiate its "White Paper" or surrender the Mandate to 
the United Nations. Hagana, organized by the Jewish agency on the 
pattern of a regular army, was mobilized and held ready to strike. 
Two terrorist groups — the "Irgun Zvei Leumi" and the "Stern 
Gang" were unleashed against the British Mandate authorities 
and the people of Palestine. The terrorists, following the tech- 
niques and traditions of their Khazar brethren of Poland and 
Russia, assassinated, bombed and plundered. 

■k -k -k -k -k -k 

Nathan Strauss convened the second meeting of the American 
Jewish Congress at Philadelphia May 30, 1920. "The delegation 


to Paris," he reported, "led by Judge Mack, Mr. Louis Marshall, 
and Dr. Wise, has done everything that could be done in order 
to protect and further Jewish interests. The Jewish name is more 
honored today than it was because we Jews have had the courage 
and self-respect to stand up together and try to solve our own 

The Peace Conference delegates emphasized the Jewish neces- 
sity of pressuring the members of the United States Senate for 
ratification of the Versailles Treaty, adding "soberly and propheti- 
cally" that the success of the Jewish concessions won in Paris 
depended upon favorable action of the government of the United 

Pursuant to agreement Judge Mack adjourned the Congress 
sine die, after ruling out of order motions for the election of offi- 
cers and procedures for reconvening the Congress. Within a few 
minutes after the sine die adjournment Gedaliah Bublick reopened 
the meeting, declaring: "The Congress is not dead; it is just born!" 
Calling itself the Provisional Organization for the American Jew- 
ish Congress, the delegates elected Louis Lipsky temporary chair- 
man, established an Executive Committee of seventy-one (the num- 
ber of members of the Great Sanhedrin) under the chairmanship 
of Nathan Strauss, and ordered it to reconvene the permanent 
American Jewish Congress within one year. 

"Our activities and the progress we have made," said Herzl 
at the Fourth World Zionist Congress, "can be summed up in 
a single sentence: we are organizing Jewry for its coming 

The American Jewish Congress was another step toward that 
At the Second World Zionist Congress Herzl had decalred: 

"Men with convictions similar to ours, worthy and capable 
of filling these distinguished positions, must be nominated and 
elected in the name of the national idea. The prestige of the 
Jewish community, the means at its disposal, the people whom 
it supports, must not be used to oppose the will of our people. 
There I think I voice the sentiments of you all, fellow dele- 
gates, in proposing to make a conquest of the Jewish com- 
munities one of our immediate aims." 

The creation of the Provisional Organization for the American 
Jewish Congress was the beginning of the vigorous conquest of 
the Jewish communities of the world, mobilizing Jewry for its 
"coming destiny." 


The success of the Comite des Delegations Juives, in putting 
over the major portion of Jewry's program on the legitimate 
representatives of the Peace Conference, encouraged its members 
to perpetuate the Committee. An ad hoc organization in the be- 
ginning, it now became permanent. The "aupres de la Conference 


de la Paix" was dropped from its name. Leo Motzkin became the 
leading figure in the post-Conference activities of the Committee. 
Its real purposes were political and it set itself up as a "watch 
dog" over the League of Nations. Many of its leaders were active 
in the Interparliamentary Union, the International Congresses of 
Minorities, and the International Union of Nations Associations. 
Among these leaders were, in addition to Motzkin, Max Laserson, 
Dr. Emil Margulies, Dr. Jacob Robinson, Rabbi Z. P. Chajes, Meir 
Dizengoff, Nathan Feinberg, Dr. Oscar Karbach and Dr. Benzion 

In 1920 the Comite des Delegations Juives proposed that the Pro- 
visional Organization for the American Jewish Congress create a 
Council of Jewish Delegations (Vaad Haaratzoh) to be com- 
posed of delegates of national congresses or similar bodies. Dr. 
Leo Motzkin came to the United States in 1923, and, on May 13th, 
he addressed the Executive Committee of the American Jewish 
Congress, advocating the creation of a World Conference of Jews. 

On August 3 and 4, 1926, a conference was held in London, 
attended by Dr. Stephen S. Wise, Abraham Goldberg, Louis Lip- 
sky, Marvin Lowenthall, and Mrs. Archibald Silverman of the 
American Jewish Congress; Dr. Leo Motzkin, M. N. Tsatskis of 
the Comite des Delegation Juives; Dr Isaac Gruenbaum, Dr. Osias 
Thon, Dr. Jerzy Rosenblatt, of the Polish Parliament; Dr. Leon 
Ringel, Chief Rabbi Isaac Rubinstein, of the Polish Senate; Chief 
Rabbi Zvi Peretz Chajes (Austria), and Dr. Shemariah Levin, rep- 
resenting Palestine. 

The purpose of the Conference was the strengthening of the 
Comite des Delegations Juives. The necessity was considered so 
important that the delegates decided to call a general conference 
in August, 1927. 

Sixty-five Jews from thirteen countries, representing forty-three 
organizations, met at Zurich, August 17 to 19, 1927. The meeting 
became known as the Zurich Conference on the Rights of Jewish 
Minorities. The American delegation included Stephen S. Wise, 
Judge Gustave Hartman, Judge Hugo Pam and Max B. Steuer. It 
was a very sad affair. Six of these poor oppressed Jews were 
members of the Polish Sejm (Parliament); one was a Polish Sen- 
ator; one a member of the Latvian Parliament, and two were 
members of the Judiciary of the United States! Yet, here they 
were, valiantly striving for their rights! The name, of course, was 
a misnomer. It would have made sense had it been the Zurich 
Conference for the Right of the Jews to Dominate the World! 

The World Zionist Organization put its stamp of approval on 
the Conference by sending the President of its executive Committee, 
Nahum Sokolow as its representative. 

The Council on the Rights of Jewish Minorities was the creation 
of the Conference. Headquarters was established at Geneva in the 


shadow of the League of Nations. Its first Executive Committee 
included Nahum Sokolow, Z. P. Chajes, Simon Dubnow; Isaac 
Gruenbaum, Leo Motzkin, Stephen S. Wise, H. Farbstein, I. Jef- 
roykin, Emil Margulies, Leon Reich, and Jacob Robinson. 

At the adjournment of the Seventeenth Zionist Congress (Basel, 
Switzerland, 1931), Stephen S. Wise called a meeting of leading 
Jews and set up a provisional committee for a World Jewish Con- 
gress. The committee was composed of Stephen S. Wise, Bernard 
S. Deutsch, Isaac Gruenbaum, Oscar Cohn, Leo Motzkin, Dr. N. 
Nurok and Z. Tygel. The Tenth Annual Session of the American 
Jewish Congress approved the decisions of the Provisional Commit- 
tee and went on record for a conference at Geneva August 14, 
1932. Dr. Nahum Goldman made the necessary international ar- 
rangements. He traveled throughout Europe mobilizing Jewry for 
its "destiny." On July 4, 1932, the annual convention of the Zionist 
Organization of America pledged its support to the forthcoming 
World Conference. 

Ninety-four delegates from seventeen countries met in Geneva 
August 14-17, 1932. It was no accident that the show of Jewish 
strength was staged under the very noses of the members of the 
League of Nations. Leo Motzkin keynoted the conference by pointing 
out the importance of the League of Nations to the Jews. He was 
alarmed at the growing repudiation of the principles the Jews had 
written into the peace treaties at Versailles, and called on world 
Jewry to mobilize support for those principles and the League of 

Dr. Goldman gave notice that it was the purpose of the World 
Jewish Conference to wrest Jews from their respective "citizen- 
ships" and ghettoize them as a nation apart. "It is to establish 
the permanent address of the Jewish people," he cried. "It is to 
establish a real, legitimate, collective representation of Jewry which 
will be entitled to speak in the name of sixteen million Jews to 
the nations and governments of the world, as well as to the Jews 

Joseph Sprinzak revealed Jewish strategy when he declared: 
"Palestine needs a strong, efficient Jewish community in the Dias- 
pora, and the Diaspora needs a powerful Jewish center in Palestine." 

Dr. Wise, Dr. Goldman, I. Jefroykin, Dr. Nurok and B. Zuckerman 
were elected to the Executive Committee. 


Meanwhile the Comite des Delegations Juives continued its pres- 
sures and agitations in the League of Nations. One of the sinister 
provisions of the Versaille treaties permitted the subjects of certain 
nations to by-pass their own governments and appeal directly to 
the Council of the League of Nations — a provision now vigorously 
urged by Jewry in such United Nations treaties as the Genocide 


Convention and the Declaration on Human Rights. Many of the 
posts in the League of Nations — as in the United Nations today — 
were held by Jews as nationals of the several member countries; 
an anomalous situation in view of the Jewish declaration that all 
Jews belong to one nation — the Jewish nation! It follows, there- 
fore, that the Council of the League could hardly be a dispassionate 
and neutral body when presented with a Jewish problem. 

A Jew named Franz Bernheim, a resident of Upper Silesia, com- 
plained to the Council that he had lost his employment solely be- 
cause he was a Jew. As in all other such cases, the Jews in the 
League of Nations and the horde of Jewish lobbyists in Geneva, 
publicized such "discrimination" throughout the world. The Bern- 
heim case was made a cause celebre and led to a League of Nations 
investigation of Jewish discrimination in Germany. The report, 
issued June 3, 1933, was not acceptable to Keller, the German 
representative, and he challenged the League's legal jurisdiction 
of such a matter. Germany had not forgotten its betrayal by its 
own Jews when they sold their support to England in return for 
the United States participation in the war, and the League of 
Nations' report did not serve to soften German sentiment toward 
them. Had organized Jewry deliberately sought to stir up anti- 
Semitic feeling in Germany, it could not have selected a better 

The Second Preparatory World Jewish Conference met in Geneva 
September 5-8, 1933. Its principal objective appears to have been 
an effort to arouse the world against Germany. Its most important 
accomplishment was the organization of a "moral and economic 
boycott" against the Third Reich. The Conference went on record 
against the Jews transacting any business whatever with Germany. 
It demanded that the League of Nations recognize the alleged 
persecution of German Jews as "an international problem." It 
called for "an international solution for the international prob- 
lems of Jewish emigration created by the policy of repression, and 
. . . the machinery necessary for the systematic organization of 
a wholesale Jewish immigration into Palestine." All of which 
led some observers to believe that world Jewry purposely exploited 
the situation to stimulate the Jewish invasion of Palestine. 

The Comintern (Communist Third International) followed with a 
declaration October 3, 1933: "... the anti-fascist workers are 
rallying to the support of the heroic struggle of the German work- 
ers. In France, in Spain, in Belgium, in Sweden, in Denmark and 
in Holland, Communists and Social-Democratic workers are boy- 
cotting the ships sailing under the swastika flag." 

The Comintern extended the boycott to all nations, except, of 
course, the Soviet Union. "Nothing," it thundered, "but a simul- 
taneous struggle against one's own and against German fascism 


can be of any avail . . ." — and the Comintern supplied its own 


The third and last Preparatory World Jewish Conference con- 
vened in Geneva on August 20, 1934. Dr. Nahum Goldman had 
succeeded Leo Motzkin as president in December, 1933. The problem 
of the German Jews was the main concern of the delegates. 
Stephen S. Wise declared that "World Jewry, not German Jewry, 
is under attack!" 

The League of Nations was criticized for the "narrow basis" on 
which it was attempting to solve the problem of Jewish refugees 
fleeing Germany. The Conference's desire to organize a World 
Jewish Congress was reaffirmed — "a permanent body representing 
Jews all over the world, whose task it will be, in the name of the 
whole of Jewry, to defend the common interests, and to protect 
the rights of Jewish communities wherever they may be threat- 


On September 13, 1934, Poland's Foreign Minister, Josef Beck, 
announced to the Fifteenth Assembly of the League of Nations 
that Poland would henceforth refuse to abide by the provisions on 
"minority rights" imposed on Poland by the Versailles Treaty, 
until the adoption of a "general and uniform system" for all 
nations. Pending the adoption of such a system, the Minister 
declared, "My Government is compelled to refuse, as from today, 
all cooperation with the international organizations in the matter 
of supervision of the application by Poland of the system of 
minority protection. I need hardly say that the decision of the 
Polish Government is in no sense directed against the interests of 
the minorities. Those interests are and will remain protected 
by the fundamental laws of Poland, which secure to minorities of 
language, race and religion free development and equality of 


During February, 1936, the Comite des Delegations Juives and 
the Executive Committee of the World Jewish Congress met in 
Paris and resolved to call the World Jewish Congress into session 
in Geneva the following August. 

On June 3-4, 1936, more than a thousand Jewish delegates as- 
sembled in Washington, D. C, purporting to represent ninety-nine 
Jewish communities in thirty-two states. Fifty-two delegates and 
sixty-four alternates to the forthcoming World Jewish Congress 
were elected. 

The Jewish nation was planning World War II for Christendom. 

It may have been symbolical that the first session of the World 
Jewish Congress opened in the Batiment Electoral, the building that 


had housed the Assembly of the League of Nations before it moved 
to its own premises. Representatives of various governments; 
observers representing the Secretariats of the League of Nations 
and the International Labor Office, and representatives of govern- 
mental delegations to the League, attended the Congress sessions. 
Instinctively, perhaps, they knew that it would be this Jewish 
Congress that would determine the future course of the world — 
that the will for war or peace had passed out of Gentile hands and 
resided in the strange Parliament of a nation without a country! 
Two hundred and eighty delegates were seated, purporting to rep- 
resent the Jews of Algeria, Argentina, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, 
Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Columbia, Czechoslovakia, Danzig, Egypt, 
Estonia, Finland, France, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Lybia, Mor- 
occo, Palestine, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Roumania, Spain, Switzer- 
land, Tunisia, United Kingdom, the United States and Yugoslavia. 

Dr. Stephen S. Wise, as president of the Comite des Delegations 
Juives and member of the Executive Committee of the World Jewish 
Congress, called the first session to order. In his keynote address 
he made it clear that "no Jew should be excluded from the World 
Jewish Congress because of political or economic views," thus 
announcing that the Communistic-revolutionary Jews were as wel- 
come as the Rothschilds and the Schiffs. "The World Jewish Con- 
gress," continued the Rabbi, "must be wide and catholic enough 
to include all Jews who would, as Jews, have part with their fellow 
Jews in facing and seeking to solve the problems of their common 
Jewish life." 

Wise went on to state what many Gentiles knew yet hesitated 
to say. He stressed the "essential oneness" of Jewish problems, and 
declared that "there is an underlying unity" among all Jews; that 
Jews "are a people"; that they are neither a church nor a creed, 
but a "Jewish totality, including all of us." 

Dr. Nahum Goldman was equally frank. In order to achieve 
world government and domination, the Gentile concept of the 
sovereign state must first be destroyed. "The greater part of what 
the year 1919 created is now shattered," he cried. "The march 
from the predatory practices of states to the great International 
Court of Justice cannot be accomplished in a few years. In order 
to bring it to a positive conclusion, there is need for one thing: 
to outgrow the concept of the sovereign state." 

Dr. A. Leon Kubowitzki of Belgium, in discussing "the organ- 
ization of the Jewish collectivity", declared "there is still no 
negotiorum gester for the everyday Caluth questions of our scat- 
tered people," and that "only the Jewish people can be the instru- 
ment of Jewish liberation." He called for welding the "isolated 
and dispersed Jewish communities" into a "conscious and organized 
whole." The sphere of the World Jewish Congress, he said, "com- 
prises all Jewish political, economic, and social questions," and "the 


all-embracing Kehillah should be the central cell of our organiza- 

Dr. Kubowitzki called for at least four departments within the 
Congress — a recommendation that appears to have been adopted. 
He named the Political, Social and Economic, Organization, Informa- 
tion and Propaganda, and Finance. The Organization and Informa- 
tion and Propaganda Departments, he explained, will be charged 
with establishing "a network of channels for regular, confidential 
and reliable information." 

Judge Julian W. Mack was elected Honorary President of the 
Congress, and Stephen S. Wise was elected Chairman of the Execu- 
tive Committee. Dr. Nahum Goldmann was elected Chairman of 
the Administrative Committee and Louis Lipsky was selected Chair- 
man of the Central Council. 


The rapid sweep of organizational activity by the World Jewish 
Congress is a remarkable episode in the history of international 
conspiracy and intrigue. While German "tourist" penetration and 
communist infiltration are notable feats in the field of international 
power politics, the techniques in each instance involved secrecy. 
The planting of Jewish nationalist cadres in the hearts of the coun- 
tries of the world by the World Jewish Congress, however, was 
done openly. This perfected technique utilized the Trojan horse 
ruse plus the psychological postulate that boldness allays suspicion. 
While anxious observers scanned the skies for ominous signs of 
war beyond their frontiers, they had little time to note the fren- 
zied organizational activities of a comparatively small segment of 
their "citizens" for a separate and independent nationalism. In the 
indignation aroused by the ruthless march of Hitler's National 
Socialism, few accurately analyzed and compared the identical 
goose-step in their Jewish neighbors. 


Offices of the World Jewish Congress were immediately opened 
in Paris, Geneva and New York City. Paris became the main 
office. Dr. N. Goldman and M. Jarblum were in charge of "Political 
Affairs"; B. Zuckerman headed "Organizational Affairs"; Profes- 
sor George Bernhard became Director of "Economic Affairs" with 
Dr. E. Knopfmacher as "Research Associate", and Mrs. Kate 
Knopfmacher was made Executive Secretary of the Paris office. 
A branch of the "Political Department" was utlimately established 
in London under the direction of Dr. M. L. Perlzweig. 

Within a year the World Jewish Congress had organized thirty- 
four affiliates in twenty-seven countries on five continents. Before 
the out-break of World War II the Zionist Trojan Horse had found 
sanctuary in thirty-one nations. Under the shield of "Jewish de- 
fense" the World Jewish Congress launched its assault. While con- 
tinuing its pressures on the League of Nations and its "use of 


influential individuals and their connections", it stepped up its own 
propaganda "backed by the political and economic potentialities 
of the Jewish masses rallying behind the Congress in all lands 
and continents" for the "mobilization of public opinion." 


On March 14, 1937, the American Jewish Congress and the Jew- 
ish Labor Committee jointly organized and sponsored a mass 
demonstration in Madison Square Garden in New York City. More 
than twenty-five thousand persons attended. "Moulders of public 
opinion," such as General Hugh S. Johnson, Fiorello H. La Guardia 
and John L. Lewis, were rounded up by the joint sponsors for "prin- 
cipal addresses." As many prominent Christians as were obtain- 
able were involved. The theme of all speeches was "the menace" 
of Hitler and his "threat to the peace of the world." Intensification 
of the boycott against Germany and the banning of credits to the 
Third Reich were prearranged. 


On November 7, 1938, Ernest von Rath, German diplomat, was 
murdered in Paris by a Jew named Herschel Grynzpan. German 
reaction was immediate and drastic. World Jewish Congress mem- 
bers demonstrated throughout the world, involving many non-Jews 
in their agitation. On March 31, 1939, Hitler attacked world Jewry 
in a Reichstag speech, charging that it was the Jews who threat- 
ened the peace of the world. 

The United States was headed for World War II but very 
few of its Gentile people realized it. 


While Jewry agitated within the nations of the world, its rep- 
resentatives continued to use the rostrum in the Palace of the 
League of Nations at Geneva to spread its propaganda. The in- 
ternal affairs of German Upper Silesia were under continuous 
Jewish attack through 1936 and 1937. Poland's repudiation of the 
"minorities treaty" sharpened the conflict, and Jewish screams of 
"anti-Semitism" completely confused the issue. 

Ten thousand Jews in the Free City of Danzig became a subject 
of agitation in the League of Nations. The Christians of Danzig 
resented the "special status" of the Jews within their midst, and, 
like Poland, sought to escape the yoke of Versailles. The repre- 
sentatives of world Jewry accomplished little or nothing in their 
tirades before the League of Nations, but the resultant publicity 
of "discrimination" against the Danzig Jews was grist in the Jew- 
ish war-mill. While the clamor went on the ten thousand Jews 
departed the Free City of Danzig. 

The annexation of Austria on March 11, 1939, was the signal 
for a frenzied World Jewish Congress appeal to the League for 
protection of Austria's one hundred and ninety-two thousand Jews. 
Hitler's concern for his "blood-brothers" in Austria, Czechoslo- 


vakia, the Sudetenland and other places — similarly duplicated by 
organized Jewry's concern for its brethren of the Covenant — was 
a coincidence that appears to have passed unnoticed. 

Poland, which contained the greatest Jewish population, finally 
became the principal issue. The World Jewish Congress initiated 
a series of public demonstrations designed to arouse indignation 
throughout the world. A conference on the Polish "Jewish ques- 
tion" was organized by the American Jewish Congress in New 
York City, January 31, 1937. Two thousand three hundred and 
ninety-six delegates representing eight hundred and thirty-five 
Jewish organizations attended. A similar conference was held in 
London on April 6, 1937, under the auspices of the British Section 
of the World Jewish Congress. The Canadian Jewish Congress 
staged a series of protest demonstrations during the same month. 
On June 1, 1937, the Federation des Societies Juives de France 
convoked a protest meeting at Paris. An "emergency conference" 
was called in New York City June 10, 1937 attended by two thou- 
sand four hundred and sixty-two delegates from eight hundred and 
seventy organizations. A delegation of two hundred, headed by 
Stephen S. Wise, was dispatched to Washington with a memor- 
andum addressed to the State Department. Why two hundred 
delegates were necessary is better guessed than explained. The 
memorandum recited the "oppression" of the Jews of Poland. Its 
presentation to Secretary of State Cordell Hull on July 12, 1937 
was dramatized by a public declaration protesting the treatment 
of the Jews in Poland signed by one hundred and fourteen non- 
Jews in the fields of "religion science, literature, and education." 

The World Jewish Congress stepped up its clamor during the suc- 
ceeding months. The Socialists added their voices. Meetings and 
demonstrations swept across the world. Wherever Jewish influ- 
ence had penetrated Christian organizations their presence was 
revealed by strident cries in Gentile voices repeating the phrases 
of the World Jewish Congress. Declarations, manifestos, and peti- 
tions cluttered the streets of the cities and the desks of public 
officials. In Belgium seventy university professors, writers and 
social leaders were induced to address statements of solidarity and 
protest to the Conseil des Associations Juives. A protest, signed 
by twenty-five French authors and college professors supplemented 
a similar protest by the League of the Rights of Man. Resolutions, 
statements, protests and declarations multiplied through the wiz- 
ardry of the men of the World Jewish Congress — a resolution from 
the Polish League for Peace and Freedom in Warsaw; a protest 
from the Institute of International Education; a declaration from 
the American Student Union; a resolution from the American Fed- 


eration of Teachers, and others too numerable to mention — bom- 
barded the people of the world. 

In 1938, Poland adopted a law providing that persons who had 
been abroad for a period of five years would forfeit Polish citizen- 
ship and be forbidden to return to Poland. Jews, among others 
who had been absent from Poland more than five years, were 
interned in a camp at Zbaszyn when they attempted to reenter 
the country. The representatives of the World Jewish Congress 
immediately intervened, protesting to the Polish Ambassadors at 
Paris and Washington. Dr. M. L. Perlzweig was dispatched to War- 
saw to take the matter up directly with the Polish government. 
World War II intervened and German troops invaded Poland before 
Dr. Perlzweig was able to get down to cases with officials of the 

Roumania, in its attempt to throw off the shackles of Versailles, 
declared that Roumanian Jews were not entitled to a special 
status over other citizens. A Royal decree issued January 22, 1938 
ordered the revision of the special citizenship status of all Jews in 
the country. The representatives of the World Jewish Congress 
immediately invoked the provisions of the "minority treaty" before 
the League of Nations, and dispatched strong protests to the French 
and British Ministers. Dr. Perlzweig in London, Marc Jarblum 
in Paris, and Dr. Kubowitzki in Brussels, descended on the Foreign 
Offices of the respective governments demanding drastic action 
against Roumania. Dr. Wise was in constant communication with 
the White House, while American Jews kept up a continuous bom- 
bardment of the members of Congress and the State Department. 
The Roumaian government was forced to resign February 10, 1938. 
The American Jewish Congress boasts of its successful efforts in 
"the early overthrow" of the Roumanian government. "It is no 
mere conjecture," states its spokesman, that the "efforts of the 
World Jewish Congress were responsible." 

In May, 1938, the Hungarian government proposed to limit the 
number of Jewish employees in all branches of economy to twenty 
percent of the population. The World Jewish Congress intervened. 
In Iraq, Uruguay — in all parts of the world — the propaganda agents 
of Jewry screamed that Jews were a peculiar people with very 
special and superior rights. There was no interlude in the inces- 
sant Jewish outcry — no relaxation in their strident roll of the 
drums of war! 


Jewry carried on an undeclared war on the central governments 
of Europe. In the beginning it had successfully imposed its will 
on the sovereignty of fifteen nations, and had sought, through the 


inadequate machinery of the League of Nations, to hold these 
nations in iron bondage. With characteristic Jewish subtlety, the 
master-minds of Israel had planned to use Christian armies to 
police the world for Jewish interests. When the machinery of 
the League of Nations failed to function according to design, it 
became necessary to declare war on the world, destroy the old 
world organization and build a better machine that would more 
perfectly meet Jewish demands. In the end few Christians would 
remember what it was all about, how it started, or why. Those 
who knew and dared to tell were easily silenced. After it was 
all over, few would be certain who led the demonstrations, signed 
the declarations, made the protests, or passed the resolutions. 
Men would march and men would die — there would be sacrifice, 
tears, blood and sweat. And Israel would live! Christendom would 
be further smashed and weakened and Christians would lose a 
little more of their God-given freedom, but when it was all over 
they would not really remember much about it. Some might re- 
call that it had been frightful in the sacrifice of Christian blood 
and the staggering waste of Christian wealth. And there would 
be those who would slowly learn that there had been no real victory 
for anyone except the Jews and the Communists, but it would then 
be much too late to do anything about it. In the end men would 
come to know that the war for the "four freedoms" and the 
promised "lasting peace" were as chimerical as had been that 
other war "to make the world safe for democracy." 

Dr. Stephen S. Wise was born in Budapest, Hungary in 1874. He 
was the founder and rabbi of the Free Synagogue in New York City. 
He organized the first section of the Federation of American Zion- 
ists, and the Zionist Organization of America. He was one of the 
first officers of the Civil Liberties Bureau; an endorser of Brook- 
wood College; a member of the Medical Bureau, American Friends 
of Spanish Democracy; an endorser of Boycott Japanese Goods 
Conference; sponsor of the Committee to Save Spain and China; 
a member of the Coordinating Committee to Lift the Embargo; 
sponsor of the Conference on Pan American Democracy; partici- 
pant of a mass meeting held under the auspices of the American 
League Against War and Fascism and the American Friends of the 
Chinese People, and an honorary cochairman of the Greater Boston 
Committee to the Russian Delegation. (Dies Reports, Vol. 1; Ap- 
pendix IX.) 


The leaders of the Soviet Union sought to meet the demands 
of Jewish Communists by setting up an "autonomous" Jewish state 
in Russia. Birobidjan was the Soviet's answer to Zionism. Amer- 
ican Jewish Communists — with Palestine still in the distant future 
-enthusiastically embraced the offer. The American Birobidjan 


Committee was immediately launched for the purpose of settling 
"Jewish victims of Fascism" in this new Jewish "state." The execu- 
tive vice-president of this group, in 1950, was J. M. Budish. The 
executive secretary was Abraham Jenof sky. 

On May 14, 1943, Charles Kuntz and Max Levin issued invitations 
to a Celebration of 15 Years of Biro Bidjan. The invitation read, 
in part, as follows: "At this gathering we shall hear a report of 
the results of the Biro-Bidjan celebration, and the Almanac, '25 
Years U. S. S. R.; 15 Years Biro-Bidjan,' which was issued by the 
Tcor' Association." 

The Jewish drive for a world government was launched early 
in World War n. Whereas it was the "Allies" against the Central 
Powers in World War I, it was the "United Nations" in World War 
II. The use of the term was not accidental. "Commissions" of the 
"United Nations" came into being as early as 1942. A United Na- 
tions' Commission for the Investigation of War Crimes was set up 
in the fall of 1942 with headquarters in London. The Jews, through 
their representatives in the World Jewish Congress, immediately 
"voiced its concern over the limited purview of the commission" 
They demanded that the Germans should be prosecuted whether 
the acts complained of took place in occupied territory or in Ger- 
many, and whether the acts were committed before or during the 
war. A delegation composed of Professor E. J. Cohn and A. L 
Easterman participated in the deliberations of the Plenary Session 
of the Commission held in London July 29, 1943. The World Jewish 
Congress was successful in its demands "and most of its sugges- 
tions were adopted by the War Crimes Commission or later by the 
Prosecution." The Jewish "suggestions" were reflected in the 
Charter of the International Military Tribunal. 

The War Emergency Conference of the World Jewish Congress 
convened in Atlantic City November 26-30, 1944, with 269 delegates 
representing the Jewries of forty countries. Dr. Nahum Goldman 
placed the blame on the "democratic nations" for the plight of 
the Jews, claiming "that in a historical sense" they were respon- 
sible for the unparalleled Jewish castastrophe, and that their (the 
democratic nations) was the obligation to repair and to insure that 
such a tragedy did not occur again. He demanded that Jews should 
be granted "recognition and representation in all those conferences 
and agencies where problems vital to their future are under dis- 

Sidney S. Silverman told the Conference that the World Jewish 
Congress had obtained for the Jews a standing with governments 
"such as no other Jewish body had in two thousand years," with 
the obvious exception of the Jewish Agency for Palestine. 

Dr. Goldmann, during the debates, referred to "the callousness of 
the Gentile world." 


A Declaration was unanimously adopted by the Conference pro- 
claiming that "the Jewish people were looking to the United Na- 
tions for the establishment of a new international order based on 
the Four Freedoms and the Atlantic Charter." 

Jewry had conquered Europe and the United States. The phil- 
osophy of Marx was creeping over Asia and would soon swallow 
up the teeming Chinese people. Everywhere, in every nation, in 
the councils of the great and the halls of the mighty — here was the 
mark of the Jew. Some of the great wore it on their foreheads 
and some had received it in their right hands. Whether men walked 
in the great exchanges of finance or trod in picket lines before 
silent factories, the mark was there — in their right hands or clearly 
visible on their foreheads. Sometimes the mark was a six-pointed 
star and sometimes it was a hammer and sickle — but both sym- 
bols were the mark of the Jew. From the public grade school to 
the austere University, symbols mingled in composite design — 
dominating, directing, triumphant! 

He who had not the mark of the beast walked alone in the land 
without favor, and wherever he went he was shunned and despised. 



THERE are probably many concepts of the term religion, and it 
would be extremely difficult to devise a definition that would 
be all-inclusive, so that everyone would find his particular concept 
satisfied. Literally the term suggests taboo, restraint; to hold back, 
bind fast; Ligare — to bind. Webster defines it as the service and 
adoration of God or a god as expressed in forms of worship, in 
obedience to divine commands, especially as found in accepted 
sacred writings or as declared by recognized teachers and in pursuit 
of a way of life regarded as incumbent on true believers; as min- 
isters of religion. 

The First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States 
provides that Congress shall make no law respecting an establish- 
ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and these 
carefully chosen words mean exactly what they say, nothing more 
and nothing less. The Founding Fathers were not so presumptuous 
as to guarantee something that God had already ordained. The 
Constitution and its amendments were not the acts of a gracious 
sovereign assuring his subjects that he was endowing them with 
certain rights. Far from it! In this instance the people were 
sovereign, establishing a government by consent, and spelling out 
the exact prohibitions and powers delegated to those who would 
assume the reigns of that government from time to time. In the 
First Amendment the sovereign people declared that "Congress shall 
make no law respecting an establishment of religion," meaning that 
the elected representatives were without power to legislate an 
official religion for the people of the United States. By the same 
language Congress is deprived of the right to enact laws prohibit- 
ing the free exercise of any religion. 

How far did the people go in this last prohibition of the right of 
Congress to enact laws curtailing the free exercise of religion? 
Did they mean to say that Congress was without power to forbid 
human sacrifice because some religious sect sincerely believed that 
it was an essential element of their faith? To ask the question is 
to answer it. When certain sects insisted that polygamy was an 
essential article and an exercise of their religions, the Supreme 
Court of the United States held, in substance, that the "free exercise 
of religion" did not go so far as to legalize criminals acts which 
offended the traditional sense of morality of the vast majority of 
the people. 

The question of the "free exercise of a religion" always involves 
freedom of conscience; the right to believe in any particular reli- 
gious doctrine or doctrines, without let or hindrance. And this 



freedom of conscience includes the right to carry the precepts of 
those doctrines into the conduct of every-day life. Like all other 
freedoms, however, religious freedom is necessarily circumscribed 
by the rights of others. To reason otherwise is to destroy freedom. 
Hence license and freedom are distinguished. 

Political, like the term religious, is equally difficult to define. 
Webster tells us that the word pertains to polity, or politics, or 
the conduct of government, referring in the widest application to 
the judicial, executive, and legislative branches; of or pertaining to, 
or incidental to, the exercise of the functions vested in those 
charged with the conduct of government; relating to the manage- 
ment of affairs of state; of or pertaining to the exercise of the 
rights and privileges or the influence by which the individuals of 
a state seek to determine or control its public policy; having to do 
with the organization or action of individuals, parties, or interests 
that seek to control the appointment or action of those who manage 
the affairs of state. 

It should be clear from the foregoing definition that Judaism, so 
far as it is manifested by the conduct of the Jews, is political and 
in no sense religious. So far as faith in Jehovah, its rituals and 
services are concerned, Judaism is a religion. And the rather 
amazing historical fact is that no one ever complained of the 
purely religious aspect of Judaism. In every historical episode 
described by the Jews as "religious persecution", it was either the 
immoral or criminal act of the Jew or his political intriguing that 
was condemned. 

The central and dominating theme of Judaism is political in the 
very same way that the Aryan theme was political to Hitler's 
National Socialism. As a matter of fact Hitler poached on the 
Jewish idea of race superiority and applied it to his Third Reich. 
As sons of the Covenant, Jewry strives politically for world dom- 
ination — strictly a political activity. The Zionist movement, admit- 
tedly political, embodies the ingrained political orientation of 

Christians have been deluded into accepting all Jewish activity 
as the "exercise of religion." It has been a shield of amazing 
versatility, and, at times, a weapon of incredible power. 

We have seen that the League of Nations was a Jewish idea. 
Through its international machinery world Jewry hoped to impose 
its special status on the fifteen helpless nations carved out of 
Europe by the political butchers of Versailles. It failed for a 
number of reasons, but the idea did not die. World War II, in 
many respects, was merely a continuation of World War I, which 
after all, ended in an Armistics on November 11, 1918. Throughout 
the war years of 1939 to 1845 the Jews worked incessantly for 
the revival of a strengthened League of Nations under a new 
name at the war's end. The United Nations as an allied coordin- 


ating agency existed almost from the beginning. The resolution 
of the War Emergency Conference of the World Jewish Congress, 
calling for the establishment of "a new International Order," was 
directed to the United Nations in November, 1944 — months in 
advance of the San Francisco Conference. It is true that the Dum- 
barton Oaks meeting had indicated the desire of certain persons for 
a revival of the